Post-Disaster Vulnerabilities And Disaster – Induced Changes In The Life And Livelihood Of Kattupaniya Tribal Community

Authors – Akshara Sobhanan
Issue No. 2, Volume : 3

About the author – Akshara Sobhanan is a postgraduate in MSW Disaster Management from Loyola College of Social Sciences, Trivandrum, Kerala.

ABSTRACT

The impact of disasters on different sections of society is different. This depends on several factors including the socio–cultural as well as economic background of the affected section. Tribal communities that live close to geographically vulnerable areas may encounter multiple disaster events including landslides and floods. In the post–disaster phase these indigenous groups face intersectionality of vulnerabilities due to displacement, housing vulnerability, livelihood loss etc. This study focuses on the post-disaster vulnerabilities of the Kattu Paniya tribal community, which was affected the most by the Kavalappara landslide of 2019 that occurred in the Malappuram district of Kerala.  The community is rehabilitated in a temporary shelter almost 5-6 kilometres away from their original environment and it is in the middle of the town. Construction of houses for the affected Kattu Paniya families is ongoing. The community still reside in the camp, even after 3 years of the event. The study also explores their life in the camp and the challenges they face. Semi–structured interview schedule was utilised for data collection from families residing in both the rehabilitation centre and the resettlement area. A case study design is adopted in this study and the sampling strategy is the purposive sampling method. The major findings of the study include that the community faces serious problems in the post-disaster phase. This includes loss of livelihoods, disruption of social ties, problems encountered in the restoration of housing, weakening of community bonding, and difficulty in practising rituals and their community life.  

Keywords: Kattu Paniya, Kavalappara disaster, livelihood vulnerability, housing vulnerability.

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION 

INTRODUCTION

“The extensive damage and disruption that disasters can result in the breakup of neighbourhoods and in the loss of significant sources of social support for disaster survivors, some of them who may never be able to return to their homes, while others may never recover from the experiences.”

– (Tierney, 2019) 

1.1 INTRODUCTION

The United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction defines a disaster as ‘A serious disruption of the functioning of a community or a society at any scale due to hazardous events interacting with conditions of exposure, vulnerability and capacity, leading to one or more of the following: human, material, economic and environmental losses and impacts’(UNISDR, 2009)

Disasters impact human populations in different ways. The different kinds of impacts include physical, socio-economic as well as psychological. Loss of housing, livelihoods, health, loss of lives, psychological trauma etc are some of them. The extent of impacts on the affected population depends upon their susceptibility to the particular disaster or in other ways their vulnerability. The loss of livelihood and housing can be discussed broadly under the ‘social vulnerability’. Impacts on life and health can be discussed under the ‘physical vulnerability’. In the post-disaster scenario people face immense stress, trauma etc along with major physical, economic and social losses including losing connections and contact with their actual neighbourhood. Disasters affect different segments of society in different ways. It aggravates pre-existing vulnerabilities. The concept of ‘intersectionality of vulnerability’ holds significance in the context of disasters. People suffering from multiple vulnerabilities say a lower class – lower caste – woman may suffer more in the aftermath of disasters due to the intersection of the multiple factors of vulnerability like class, caste and gender (Tierney, 2019).

There are several types of disasters that disrupt the normal life of affected communities.

Landslides are one among them. ‘A landslide is defined as the movement of a mass of rock, debris, or earth down a slope. Landslides are a type of “mass wasting,” which denotes any

down-slope movement of soil and rock under the direct influence of gravity. The term “landslide” encompasses five modes of slope movement: falls, topples, slides, spreads, and flows. These are further subdivided by the type of geologic material (bedrock, debris, or earth). Debris flows (commonly referred to as mudflows or mudslides) and rock falls are examples of common landslide types (Landslide, n.d.). In the Indian context, tribals are a vulnerable group who experience vulnerabilities about access to resources, access to health, education, good quality housing etc. Tribal communities are one of the major socially marginalised groups that can have greater impacts during disasters. Disasters compound the vulnerability of tribal populations, especially the forest-dwelling indigenous communities. These indigenous communities depend on forest produce for their livelihood. When disasters like forest fires, floods or landslides strike they are highly vulnerable due to life as well as livelihood losses. Disasters severely affect the community life as well as the livelihood of such indigenous communities by forcing them to be displaced to other places, hence losing their access to forest resources, connection to their neighbourhoods etc.

This study explores the post-disaster vulnerabilities and disaster-induced changes in the life and livelihood of the Kattu Paniya tribal community, which belong to the class of PVTG, in the aftermath of the Kavalappara Landslides of 2019, Kerala.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Forest-dwelling tribal communities constitute one of the most vulnerable sections in Kerala society. Uncertainty in livelihood, social isolation and discrimination are some of the problems they face. These indigenous communities depend on the collection of minor forest produce, the availability of which has been declining. Disasters compound the vulnerability of these tribal populations. When disasters like forest fires, floods or landslides strike they are highly vulnerable due to life as well as livelihood loss. Kattupaniya is one such vulnerable tribal community that has been affected by the Kavalappara landslides in 2019. Kattu Paniyas were bonded labourers, till the demolishing of the landlord-tenant system in Kerala. The welfare measures of the government have made the tribes dependent on others even for daily needs (Ali, 2006). 

The landslide occurred in ‘Muthappankunnu’ of Kavalappara devastated the lives of more than 25 Kattupaniya families who resided near the valley. The 2019 disaster severely

affected the marginalised group in various dimensions, especially their livelihood and settlement. The Kattu Paniya families have been living in a temporary rehabilitation shelter ever since the landslide occurred. The 2019 disaster has aggravated the vulnerabilities of the already marginalised population. Also the shift from their settlements near to the forest and its resources impacted on their daily life.

This study focuses on the Post – post-disaster vulnerability of Kattupaniya community of Nilambur Tribal Settlement in the light of Kavalappara Disaster and how it has aggravated after the disaster and also the disaster – induced changes in their life and livelihood.

1.3 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

Recurring disasters in Kerala and the complex issue of rehabilitation of affected communities, especially those who have lost their houses and living environment is a serious issue. This is particularly in the case of people affected by landslides and coastal erosion. In the particular case of communities affected by the Kavalappara landslides of 2019, comprehensive rehabilitation has still not been ensured for all the affected households. This is especially in the case of the Kattu Paniya tribal community who were resided in the Kavalappara settlement and affected by the landslide. Even after 3 years of the landslide, the Kattu Paniya still remain in the rehabilitation camp with a multi-dimensional vulnerability. The background of this study is the post – disaster vulnerabilities of this particular community.

1.3.1 The Kattu Paniya of Nilambur

Paniyas are one of the indigenous communities reside in the tribal belt of Kerala. In Malappuram, the Paniyan are known as Kattu Paniyans/Kurinhi Paniyan and they are different from the other Paniyan of the state (Rachel Santhosh, 2008). The Kattu Paniya of Nilambur tribal belt is spread in different settlements including Kavalappara, Irulikunnu and Ambumala. In the landslides and floods of 2019 it was the Kattu Paniyas of Kavalappara settlement affected the most. The community is living in a rehabilitation centre at Pothukal Panchayat since the past 3 years.

1.4 RELEVANCE AND SIGNIFICANCE

Disasters always enhance the vulnerability of marginalised communities. The Kattu Paniya tribals of Kavalappara is the major indigenous group which was severely affected by the 2019 – landslide. The shift of life and livelihood of the community which was rooted in the soils of Kavalappara had severely impacted them.

The post – disaster vulnerabilities marginalised sections like Kattupaniya Tribals are least addressed by the authorities. This aggravates the difficulties they were facing even before the disaster. Most of the time the solutions only limit within the reconstruction of damaged or destroyed houses. But that isn’t enough.

Exploring and understanding the post–disaster vulnerability of the Kattu Paniya tribal community, in the aftermath of the Kavalappara Landslides is the significance of this study. This study focuses on the various dimensions of post–disaster vulnerability, especially the lives and livelihood of the affected community aka Kattu Paniya. Also, this study explores the experiences of the community regarding the changes that happened in their lifestyle in the past couple of years after the disaster. The post-disaster vulnerabilities of the Kattu Paniya community are an issue that has not received much attention in academic works. While there is much discussion on the overall impact of the Kavalappara landslide on the lives of the general population, there is very little regarding the impact on the lives of the indigenous population. Also, the shift in livelihood and changes in community life of this particular community is not discussed much. By identifying the gaps in the rehabilitation process, this study throws light on the measures that can enhance the effectiveness of post-disaster rehabilitation and recovery for socially and culturally distinct communities like the Kattu Paniyas. Further, this study will also contribute to the knowledge base of disaster management rooted in social work and facilitate further research in this area.

1.5 CHAPTERISATION

The Chapterisation of the dissertation is as follows: 

• Chapter I: Introduction  
• Chapter II: Review of Literature 
• Chapter III: Methodology 
• Chapter IV: Case Description
• Chapter V: Thematic Analysis and Discussion
• Chapter VI: Findings, Suggestions and Conclusions 
•  Chapter VII: Bibliography and Appendix 

CHAPTER II: REVIEW OF LITERATURE

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 INTRODUCTION

In this chapter, the researcher tried to explore the existing literature on the different concepts within the research topic. The existing literature and key points have been explained in this chapter and hence tried to identify the gap in literature, where the scope of this study lies. The review of literature is done under the following themes – The tribal community, Vulnerability of tribals, disaster vulnerability, post-disaster vulnerability, Landslides, the Paniya community, housing vulnerability, livelihood vulnerability and displacement affecting community life.

2.2 LITERATURE REVIEW

The Tribal Community

Tribal community being one of the major communities rooted in kinship has a great history of oppression and discrimination by society. 

 According to R.N. Mukherjee, a tribe is that human group, whose members have common interests, territory, language, social law and economic occupation. Scheduled Tribes in India are generally considered to be ‘Adivasis,’ meaning indigenous people or original inhabitants of the country’ (Haseena, 2014).

2.2.1 Forest Dwelling Tribal Communities

The Forest Rights Act (FRA) 2006 discusses the rights assigned to the category of tribal communities who depend on forest and forest products for life and livelihood. Forest-dwelling tribal people and forests are inseparable. One cannot survive without the other (Reporter, 2005). 

It’s been said that a variety of forest myths and a jungle of forest laws have over the years served to deny social justice to the forest-dwelling tribals (Rao et.al, 2003).

2.2.2 Tribal Communities in Kerala

The tribal belt of Kerala lies in the Western Ghats region. ‘The Western Ghats and its peripheries form the main abode of the tribal people in Kerala. The scheduled tribe population of the state is 364,189 which is 1.14% of its general population (Census, 2001). There are 36 different tribal communities in the state, of which five are primitive tribes. Highest concentration of scheduled tribes is seen in Wayanad district (37.4%), followed by Idukki and Palakkad districts. A total of 72.8% of the tribal population is concentrated in six districts: Wayanad, Idukki, Palakkad, Kasaragod, Thiruvananthapuram and Kannur’ (Baiju K C, 2011).

2.2.3 Tribal Communities in Nilambur

The Scheduled Tribe Population in the District is 14,410 as per the available records. They live in 2882 families comprised of 182 tribal settlements stretched in the hill ranges of Nilambur and Eranad Taluks. Muthuvans or Malamuthans, Paniyans, Aranadans, Kurumans, Kattunaickens and Cholanaickens are the Scheduled tribe communities in Malappuram District. Of these, the Kattunaicken and Cholanaickens are primitive tribal groups. The Paniyans of the district are known as Kattu Paniyans/Kurinhi Paniyans and they are different from the other Paniyans of the state and also have primitive nature. Apart from the departmental schemes, the Integrated Tribal Development Project, Nilambur is implementing various programs for habitat/economic/educational development of the tribes.
(Scheduled Tribes in Malappuram District, n.d.)

2.2.3.1 The Paniya Community 

Literature focuses more on the Paniyans of Wayanad, who are different from the Kattu Paniyas of Malappuram. 

Paniyans were bonded labourers. The welfare measures of the government have made the tribes dependent on others even for daily needs. Education is not so promoted (Ali, 2006).

In Malappuram, the Paniyan are known as Kattu Paniyans/Kurinhi Paniyan and they are different from the other Paniyan of the state (Rachel Santhosh, 2008). 

Paniyas are the largest tribal community in Kerala and are found in Wayanad, Kannur, Kozhikode, and Malappuram districts. They had been agricultural labourers and worked as slaves of landlords for several decades. They were believed to be brought to

 Wayanad by the king of Malabar, centuries ago as slaves for agricultural labour.  It is said that they were sold and bought along with the fields they lived in. After the government of Kerala abolished the slavery system, they were rehabilitated in different colonies set up by the government. Kattu Paniya is a subgroup seen in the forest region of Nilambur (Malappuram District) leading a lifestyle of primitive tribes (Scheduled Tribes in Malappuram District, n.d.).

2.2.4 Constitutional Provisions for Tribals

Article 366(25) of the constitution of India refers to the scheduled tribes to those communities who are scheduled according to article 342 of the constitution and has been declared by the President of India. They are called denotified tribes or scheduled tribes of India. Relatively speaking, a tribe is a small community and has autonomous political institutions. Kinship dominates the social organisations of tribes. Generally tribal communities have ‘magico-animistic’ type of religious belief and an egalitarian social order. There is a near absence of social stratification, high degree of ‘gender equality’. In India there are more than 500 tribal groups (paper2-5.pdf, n.d.).

Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs) are more vulnerable among the tribal groups. In 1975, the Government of India initiated to identify the most vulnerable tribal groups as a separate category called PVTGs and declared 52 such groups, while in 1993 an additional 23 groups were added to the category, making it a total of 75 PVTGs out of 705 Scheduled Tribes, spread over 18 states and one Union Territory (A&N Islands) in the country (2011 census).Among the 75 listed PVTG’s the highest number are found in Odisha (13), followed by Andhra Pradesh (12). The criteria followed for determination of PVTGs are – a pre-agriculture level of technology, a stagnant or declining population, extremely low literacy, a subsistence level of economy (INSIGHTS, 2019).

The Denotified Tribes (DTs) are a special category. They have never been counted by India’s Census. The Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 is discussed in the article, in which the DNTs ( a heterogeneous group engaged in various occupations such as transport key making, salt trading, entertaining-acrobats, dancers, snake charmers, jugglers and pastoralists) were branded ‘born criminals’ under the colonial-era. Denotified tribes were of two kinds which may broadly be classified into nomadic groups and settled communities. 

There are nearly 1,500 nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes and 198 denotified tribes comprising 15 Crores Indians, according to the Renke Commission, 2008. These tribes remain socially and economically marginalised even now, depriving many of them of basic human rights. 

Later the Criminal Tribal Act was repealed in independent India. The socio – economic disparities faced by certain tribal communities pushed them to illegal – offensive works to make up livelihood. Society is responsible for that. So it is time to support the indigenous group; the original inhabitants of the country and bring them to the mainstream and ensure a responsible citizen – life (Dr. Ambuj Kumar, 2020). 

2.3 Vulnerability of Tribals 

Vulnerability is a broader concept with multiple dimensions. Vulnerability can be physical, socio – economic, geographic and so on. Physical Vulnerability may be determined by aspects such as population density levels, remoteness of a settlement, the site, design and materials used for critical infrastructure and for housing (UNISDR). Vulnerability was argued to be socially differentiated and manifest in variable patterns of exposure, susceptibility and capacity to recover (Clark et al 2013 in Krishnan, 2020).  Social vulnerability refers to the socioeconomic and demographic factors that affect the resilience of communities. But the vulnerability of communities like tribals is something beyond that for the mainstream society and that too simply due to one single reason – marginalisation. Tribals face intersectionality of vulnerability in the form of reduced access to health, education, housing vulnerability, land alienation and discriminations. This intersectionality of vulnerabilities is also associated with the lesser participation of tribal communities in the decision making process. A low class, low caste section faces more vulnerability than a high class, high caste section of society (Tierney, 2019).

‘The excessive dependence of tribal communities on land for their income and employment makes land alienation and landlessness a major livelihood concern of the tribes’ (Haseena, 2014). 

2.3.1 PVTG

Tribals are not homogenous. Some groups enjoy a high status, are more assertive and may have a larger share of development funds. PVTGs are more vulnerable among the tribal groups. In 1973, in order to prioritise the needs of most vulnerable tribal groups, the Dhebar Commission created Primitive Tribal Groups (PTGs) as a separate category, which are less developed among the tribal groups. In 2006, the Government of India renamed the PTGs as PVTGs (Khera, 2008). 

2.3.2 Disaster Vulnerability

Disaster Vulnerability has been defined as -the conditions determined by physical, social, economic & environmental factors or processes, which increase the susceptibility of a community to the impacts of hazards – [UNISDR (United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction) 2017]. 

‘With a focus on the arrangement of the social world, disaster vulnerability can be explored as a social construct rooted in historical social processes (Cutter 2006). That is, disaster vulnerability can be seen as a result of overarching, pre-existing social conditions that exist independently from the disaster event itself. Therefore, any time we discuss vulnerability in relation to human society, it must first and foremost be conceptualised as social vulnerability’ (Blaikie et al. 2014; Hartman and Squires 2006; O’ Keefe et.al 1976).

Disasters compound the vulnerability of tribal populations, especially the forest dwelling indigenous communities. These indigenous communities depend on forest produce for their livelihood. When disasters like forest fire, flood or landslide strike they are highly vulnerable due to life as well as livelihood losses (Rao et.al, 2003 & Chithra, 2019)

2.3.3 Post – Disaster Vulnerability 

Post – Disaster Vulnerability can be defined as the conditions determined by physical, social, economic & environmental factors or processes, which make the individual, group or community unable to cope with its own resources, in a post-disaster scenario. This definition lacks the point regarding psychological conditions in a post – disaster scenario. Social vulnerability (socio – economic vulnerability) in a post – disaster scenario is also mentioned in literature. 

‘The notion of social vulnerability centres on the influence of social and economic stratification in relation to disasters (Cutter 1996; Cutter et al. 2003; Hewitt 1998; Oliver-Smith 1996; Oliver-Smith and Hoffman 1999; Tierney 2006) and puts “the main emphasis on the various ways in which social systems operate to generate disasters by making people vulnerable” (Wisner et al. 2004). In other words, social vulnerability refers to “the characteristics of a person or group in terms of their capacity to anticipate, cope with, resist, and recover from the impact of a natural hazard” (Wisner et al. 2004).’ 

2.3.4 Landslides and disaster vulnerability

As per the HPC classification of disasters, landslides come under the category of ‘geologically related disasters. As per the International Association of Engineering Geology (IAEG), landslides are simply defined as ‘the mass movement of rock, debris or earth down a slope’. In a global scenario landslides are one of the deadly geological disasters that can have a serious impact on the life and livelihood of affected people. Landslide itself changes the particular landmass and many a time left them not eligible for further usage. Considering some of the major landslides in the global scenario, literature says –

‘Environmental damage to sub-soil stability is also frequently cited as a cause. Changes in the water table can occur due to leaking tube wells, stand pipes and septic tanks, and appear to have been a contributory cause to the landslides in Puerto Rico and Rio de Janeiro. Unsafe, unauthorised building on dangerously steep slopes is very often cited as a cause of landslide disasters. The location of squatter settlements themselves may have been a contributory cause to the landslides in Puerto Rico and in Rio’ (Blaike et.al, 2004).

In the Indian scenario – India’s north eastern region, the Darjeeling district of West Bengal, Sikkim, Tripura, Meghalaya, Assam, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh are all landslide – prone (Bhandari,2013).

Also, there is recurring landslides in the western Ghats of the Southern Indian Peninsula. It has been noted that the unfavourable geological environment associated with the changing climatic patterns including rainfall is one of the major reasons behind these recurring events (Basak et.al, 1989)

When we focus on the literatures about landslides in Kerala – ‘Landslides in Kerala, increasingly frequent now, are a symptom of the breaking up of the region’s fragile ecosystem’ (Unnikrishnan, 1997). Also in Kerala, marginalised populations reside in the most vulnerable areas for floods and landslides and hence they affect the most. Floods and landslides disproportionately affect vulnerable groups such as women, the elderly, children, and persons with disabilities, Scheduled Tribes, Scheduled Castes and fisher folk (Lal, 2022).  According to a study by the Geological Society of India, 43 per cent of Kerala’s total area is located in landslip and landslide prone regions. According to a natural hazard proneness assessment by the National Centre for Earth Science Studies 1,848 square km (4.71 percent geographic area) in Kerala, extending along the steep slopes of the Western Ghats (i.e., mostly in Wayanad, Kozhikode, Malappuram Idukki, Kottayam and Pathanamthitta districts), is highly prone to the occurrence of landslides (Benjamin,2021).

2.3.5 Housing Vulnerability

In the post – disaster phase, it becomes clear that the different sections of society face different extent of housing vulnerability. The housing vulnerability faced by different communities differs.

A recent study conducted says – ‘Many tribal families lost their houses last year. They were not given any houses despite the huge amount of fund kept aside for them. They live in sheds and huts made out of tarpaulin. They did not even get rented houses to live’ (Chithra, 2019).

Those at the lower end of the social class hierarchy are more likely to live in physically vulnerable places and in vulnerable housing types (McCoy and dash 2013 in Tierney, 2019). This is true in the case of the Kattu Paniya tribal community who lived in the area which is geographically vulnerable to landslides.

 Fussell et.al observed that the housing vulnerability aggravated for people who live in rented houses. ‘After a disaster strikes and housing damage occurs, the decision to return home is very different for homeowners and renters. While homeowners retain control over their homes, renters rely on their landlord’s permission to reoccupy their homes’ (Fussell et.al, 2014)

 In the post – disaster scenario, housing reconstruction is one of the major aspects in the reconstruction phase of disaster management. Housing vulnerability faced by the affected population remains at its peak from the moment after the disaster strikes and till a permanent shelter with adequate basic facilities is received. Hence literature says ‘Disasters can potentially act as accelerating factors in housing changes’ (Kreimer, 1984).

2.3.6 Livelihood Vulnerability

‘The word ‘livelihood’ is important in the definition. We mean by this the command an individual, family or other social group has over an income and/or bundles of resources that can be used or exchanged to satisfy its needs. This may involve information, cultural knowledge, social networks and legal rights as well as tools, land or other physical resources’ (Blaike et.al, 2004).

Livelihood vulnerability can be defined as a function of both physiological and social factors. There are numerous reasons for livelihood vulnerability. Among them, loss of livelihood due to disaster and resulting displacement is a serious one and the same discussed in the socio – economic impacts of different disasters.

In the context of flood and landslide disasters, ‘Each household’s ‘bundle’ of property and assets (including land and animals for farmers, or boats and nets for fishers) and economic links to others, may be lost, enhanced, disrupted or reinforced in a number of permutations’. 

Disasters are a break on economic and human development at the household level (when livestock, crops, homes and tools are repeatedly destroyed) and at the national level when roads, bridges, hospitals, schools and other facilities are damaged. The pattern of such frequent stresses, brought on by a wide variety of ‘natural’ trigger mechanisms, has often been complicated by human action— both by efforts to palliate the effects of disaster and by the social causation of vulnerability. Blaike et.al discusses the livelihood aspect of vulnerability in the ‘Access Model’ of disasters. The Access model shows how major stress, such as an extreme natural event, can reverberate through a household’s livelihood system, playing havoc with its ability to meet its needs, and, moreover, its ability to recover and protect itself against other, perhaps unrelated, stresses and crises at a later time.(Blaike et.al, 2004). 

Blaike also points out that, ‘Human livelihoods are often earned in locations that combine opportunities with hazards.’ This is actually true in the sense that people locate land for business and housing in the most cheaply available landmass, which might be close to disaster – prone zones. Hence in the aftermath of disasters people find it difficult to cope up due to livelihood losses.

Literature points out that the Livelihood Vulnerability Index (LVI) can be used as a tool for the assessment of livelihood vulnerability, especially the one due to the climate crisis. ‘The livelihood vulnerability situation is calculated based on exposure, sensitivity and adaptive capacity of the people’ (Chapagain et.al, 2015)

This is true in the case of the Kattu Paniya tribal community which suffers livelihood vulnerability after displacement from their original environment. They are struggling to get adapted with the new environment.

2.2.9 Displacement affecting community life

Be it development induced or disaster induced, displacement has greater impacts on community life. 

 ‘The displaced persons lose their social status and are treated as development refugees by the state whereas they are treated as destitute by the host community which they consider as a lifelong stigma imprinted on them. Also, in the unfamiliar environment in rehabilitated colony they are ill-treated and seen as encroachers & unnecessary nuisance created by the host community.’ (Mohanty, 2009). 

Literature says about the impact of disaster induced displacement of the tribal community –

‘When the Adivasis live in the forests, they have access to different kinds of vegetables, tubers, and fish and forest products. Once they are displaced from the forests, their food habits and diet change drastically. This is applicable even for the educated individuals. Also when they move out of their ‘Ooru’, they experience a language barrier. They have their own dialect and language for communication in their Ooru for which they are ridiculed. When they live in towns, they get alienated from their language and their cultural values. The tribals consider the forest and their cultural values imbibed in it as sacred and when they move out of the forest they cannot preserve it’ (Chithra, 2019).

3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The theoretical framework of this research lies in two major themes – post disaster vulnerabilities and post disaster recovery. Post disaster recovery includes reconstruction and rehabilitation. The growing importance of Post Disaster Need Assessment (PDNA) and post disaster recovery is reflected in emerging frameworks that address these issues. Several governments and international organizations have developed such frameworks. The Govt of Nepal for example has proposed a post disaster recovery framework, with the key elements being related to reconstruction and rehabilitation. This framework has outlined the following components as being essential for post disaster recovery. 

1. Reconstruction of housing and cultural heritage sites
2. Relocation and land use
3. Engaging the community, private sector, volunteers and diaspora in reconstruction
4. Integrating principles of disaster risk reduction and building back better
5. Providing financial assistance
6. Restoring Employment and Livelihoods
7. Improving Data Collection and Public Information
8. Compliance and Monitoring

The approaches for implementation are as follows:

1. Owner-driven reconstruction
2. Relocation of villages
3. Integrated habitat approach
4. Urban reconstruction to improve cultural or historical settlements
5. Application of building codes and disaster risk reduction measures
6. Cash transfers
7. Livelihoods support
8. Community outreach
9. Social inclusion
10. Capacity building
11. Environmental and social safeguards  (Govt. of Nepal,2016)

The above mentioned framework is helpful in analysing the post landslide recovery situation in Kavalappara. Other frameworks like that of GFDRR (2020) also put forward recovery frameworks that help to build back stronger, faster and more inclusively (GFDRR, 2020). Many elements of this post disaster recovery framework are helpful in reviewing the post landslide rehabilitation of the Kattu Paniyas.

2.4 RESEARCH GAP ANALYSIS

‘In Nilambur, the Kavalappara region has been severely affected due to the landslides. Majority of the affected people are Adivasis. According to the government report, around thirty Adivasi houses have been washed away in this region. Of the people who died, eighty percent are tribal people from the Paniya community’ (Chithra, 2019).

Issues faced by the Paniya community in Kerala have been documented, especially issues related to land alienation of the community living in the Wayanad district of the state. Kattu Paniyas of Nilambur however are actually different from the Paniyas of Wayanad and hence found a deficiency of literature on the community and their issues. Though there are literatures on the development induced displacement of tribal communities, there is comparatively less studies on the disaster induced displacement and change in community life of PVTGs. Kattu Paniyas belong to PVTG. There comes the research gap of the study. 

CHAPTER II: METHODOLOGY

METHODOLOGY

This chapter deals with the methodology adopted for this study. This chapter include title of the study, research questions, theoretical preposition, definition of concepts, detailing about the pilot study, research design, detailing about the research site and the participants, sampling strategy and selection of respondents, and method of data collection and how the data will be analysed and interpreted to arrive at certain findings, ethical consideration, assumptions, limitations and scope of the study.

Case Study method is adopted in this research. According to YIN (1984), Case study is defined as ―an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon in depth and within its real-world context especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clear. Research on a single community, a single family, a single event etc is classic examples for case study design.

3.1 TITLE OF THE STUDY

Post – Disaster Vulnerabilities and Disaster – Induced changes in the life and livelihood of Kattu Paniya Tribal Community.

3.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

3.2.1 General Research Question

• What are the post – disaster vulnerabilities the Kattupaniya Tribals have faced after the Kavalappara Landslide?

3.2.2 Specific Research Questions

• How did the Kavalappara Landslide aggravate the livelihood vulnerability of the Kattupaniya community? 
• How did the Kavalappara Landslide aggravate the housing vulnerability of the Kattupaniya community?
• What was the Kattu Paniya tribe’s experience in the rehabilitation centre in the past 3 years?
• How has the dislocation affected their community practice and rituals? 

3.3 DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS

Table 3.1: Conceptual definition and Operational definition

SL. No	Term	Conceptual Definition	Operational Definition
1	Post – Disaster Vulnerability	The conditions determined by physical, social, economic & environmental factors or processes, which make the individual, group or community unable to cope with its own resources, in a post-disaster scenario.	In this study post-disaster vulnerability refers to the conditions of the Kattu Paniya tribal community, which made them unable to cope – up the after effects of disaster and which still prevails in their life, probably least addressed or noticed by others.
2	Livelihood vulnerability	The decreased susceptibility to practice livelihood	In this study, livelihood vulnerability refers to the loss of livelihood faced by the Kattu Paniya community, in the post- disaster phase.
3	Housing Vulnerability	Housing vulnerability is strictly related to the buildings’ physical features and to the socio-economic condition of their occupants.	In this study, housing vulnerability refers to the loss of house as well as the delay in house recovery and reconstruction which lead the Kattu Paniya community to reside in the rehabilitation centre, even after 3 years of the landslide.
4	Disaster –Induced Change	Changes introduced by disasters	In this study, disaster – induced change refers to the changes caused by the Kavalappara disaster, in the life of Kattu Paniya community
5	Community Life	The life and activities of a community	In this study, community life refers to the life of the Kattu Paniya community in the Kavalappara settlement.

3.4 PILOT STUDY

‘A pilot study is performed either as an external pilot study independent of the main study or as an internal pilot study included in the research design of the main study’(Junyong In,2017). It is a small scale preliminary study and the researcher assessed the feasibility of the study and the availability of the respondents through the pilot study.

The researcher conducted the pilot study at the Pothukal Panchayath of Nilambur Taluk, Malappuram district, where the population under this research is located. From pilot study, it was clear that a total of 12 Kattu Paniya families affected by the Kavalappara landslides are living in a single rehabilitation shelter, which is far from the forest and their actual settlements. It was found that case study design is the appropriate one for the research since it focuses on the study of a single community, in the aftermath of a disaster event.

3.5 RESEARCH DESIGN

A research design, also called a research strategy, is a plan to answer a set of questions (McCombes, 2019). It is a framework that includes the methods and procedures to collect, analyse, and interpret data. In other words, the research design describes how the researcher will investigate the central problem of the research and is thus part of the research proposal (Bouchrika, 2022). Research design also defines all other constituent parts of a study, such as variables, hypotheses, experiments, methodology, and statistical analysis (Creswell et al., 2018).

The research design adopted in this study is the case study design. Here research is conducted on a single community, taking multiple family case studies and hence this falls under the case study design.

3.6 DESCRIPTION OF RESEARCH SITE AND PARTICIPANTS

The research site of the present study includes the rehabilitation centre at Pothukal and the resettlement area in Anakkallu in Pothukal Panchayat, Nilambur, Malappuram district, Kerala. These two locations house the Kattu Paniya households displaced by the Kavalappara landslide. The rehabilitation centre at Pothukal is a two storey building in which the Kattu Paniya families affected by the Kavalappara landslide reside since the past 3 years. It is opposite the Pothukal Panchayat office, near the private bus stand. The resettlement area in Anakkallu is in between Nilambur town and Pothukal town. There is no tarred access road to the resettlement area. Three families who live in the rehabilitation centre at Pothukal Panchayath and two families who have shifted to the new houses constructed at Anakkallu, near Pothukal, with the support of the government have been selected as participants. 

SOURCE: Google images

3.7 SAMPLING STRATEGY & CRITERIA/ SELECTION OF RESPONDENTS

Purposive sampling method is adopted in this research. ‘Purposive sampling may be used to select members of a difficult-to-reach, specialised population’ (Neumann et al, 2014). This study has focussed on the vulnerabilities faced by the Kattu Paniya communities who were displaced from their original lands and were compelled to live in the government rehabilitation centre. Those who received some support from extended kinship and social networks lived in homes of relatives or rented homes. Those without such support ended up living in the government rehabilitation centre. Amongst those who lived in the rehabilitation centre, some families have moved into newly built houses, while others continue to live in the centre. The Kattu Paniya families who have lived in the rehabilitation centre have faced the greatest difficulties and hence this study focuses on this group. Purposive sampling has therefore been used to reach out to this specific population.  Five Kattu Paniya families were selected for study. The subjects were selected based on the following criteria:

3. 7. 1 INCLUSION CRITERIA

• Families belonging to the Kattu Paniya Community.
• Kattu Paniya families affected by the Kavalappara landslide.
• Kattu Paniya families who reside in the rehabilitation centre.
• Kattu Paniya families which have shifted to new houses, but who have already resided in the rehabilitation centre for a certain period of time, before shifting.

3. 7. 2 EXCLUSION CRITERIA

• Families which don’t belong to the Kattu Paniya Community, but have been affected by the Kavalappara landslide.
• Kattu Paniya families which didn’t reside in the rehabilitation centre.
• Kattu Paniya families who have shifted to rented houses in different areas of the Pothukal Panchayat.

3.8 DATA COLLECTION

3.8.1 SOURCES OF DATA 

PRIMARY DATA

Primary data was collected directly from the Kattu Paniya families affected by the Kavalappara landslide who live in the rehabilitation centre at Pothukal Panchayath and who have shifted to the new houses constructed at Anakkallu, near Pothukal.

 SECONDARY DATA

Secondary data includes information from Documents, books, reports of surveys and studies, literature pertaining to disaster vulnerability, post – disaster vulnerability, the tribal community, vulnerability of tribals, the Paniya Community, disaster induced displacement, livelihood vulnerability, displacement affecting community life etc

3.8.2 DATA COLLECTION

Primary data were collected from the Kattu Paniya families affected by the Kavalappara landslide. For this purpose, the researcher visited the rehabilitation centre (located in the hall of the auditorium) at the Pothukal Panchayat, near to the private bus station of Pothukal. The researcher also visited the Anakkallu region of Pothukal, where new houses are being constructed for the Kattu Paniya community affected by the disaster and data collected from two families who have already shifted to their new houses from the rehabilitation centre.

Semi – structured interview used to collect data. The researcher visited the families and the interviews were done in Malayalam were then translated and transcribed into English. The researcher recorded the voices with the permission of the respondents prior to the interview. Even though the researcher had already prepared a semi-structured interview guide, she preferred not to strictly adhere to the same. After asking some basic questions related to the study, the respondents were provided with the chance to speak freely about their post – disaster life and experiences.

3.8.3 TOOLS FOR DATA COLLECTION

 The semi – structured interview guide was prepared to collect data from the respondents. The tool included the questions for collecting data based on the general as well as the specific research questions. Certain modifications were made to the questions after the pilot study was conducted. The questions for the family case study included the basic details about the family including the age of respondent, the number of family members etc. Based on the questions in the guide, the livelihood of the respondents before and after the Kavalappara disaster were understood, since livelihood vulnerability is one of the major focuses of this study. Face-to-face in-depth interviews and discussions were conducted as the techniques of data collection.

3.9 PRETEST

Pretest was conducted by the researcher among two Kattu Paniya families in the rehabilitation centre at Pothukal, Nilambur, Malappuram district to verify the tool used for data collection (Interview guide). The information gathered was processed and the feasibility of the study was ascertained. 

3.10 DATA ANALYSIS

The data collected through semi – structured in-depth interviews and discussions are subjected to analysis in the qualitative research methodology. Thematic analysis is the method adopted for the analysis of data in this qualitative research. Here the data will be classified and discussed under different themes. The process of data analysis will help in arriving at new concepts, findings and conclusions

3.11 ETHICAL CONSIDERATION 

The research works conducted by considering the ethical values of social work research. The participants were already informed that the data collection is purely for academic purpose and will be utilised only for the dissertation purposes. It was ensured that no sensitive data about the participants, especially the one revealing their identity will be disclosed in this research. Names of respondents have been changed to maintain confidentiality. The researcher informed that the interview would be voice recorded for the purpose of convenience and affirming that full confidentiality would be maintained and the data collected would not be used for any other purpose other than this study. 

The researcher had tried the best to avoid prejudices and unwanted judgements and provided the space for the participant to freely share their experiences related to the research topic.

3.12 ASSUMPTIONS, LIMITATIONS & SCOPE

Assumptions

• The Kavalappara Landslide of 2019 severely affected the life and livelihood of the Kattu Paniya community resided in the Kavalappara settlement.
• The disaster and resulted displacement induced changes in the community life of Kattu Paniya.

Limitations

• This study was conducted in a limited time frame, since the researcher received only few numbers of days to reside in the area of study.
• It was not easy to communicate with the indigenous community affected by the disaster, since they showed some reluctance to speak with an outsider.
• It was a challenge to reach the community in the research site since the availability of private transportation including bus is very limited in number.
• One of the major reason behind the delay in the recovery of the disaster affected Kattu Paniya community is the underlying political plays as well as the attitude of society towards a marginalized community. But this study is not exploring more about the same.

Scope

This study focuses on the post – disaster vulnerabilities and disaster – induced change in the lives of a marginalized indigenous community of Kerala, about whom is least discussed in literatures. The major scope of the study is that this will contribute to the existing body of work on post – disaster vulnerabilities of tribal communities. It will be particularly relevant to Kerala, which is a state that has experienced a number of disasters over the past five years. Post disaster recovery of marginalized populations is therefore an area of concern for the state and this study will add to the existing body of knowledge in the state. Also this study proposes the significance of proper post – disaster rehabilitation and recovery rooted in community participation, which otherwise may enhance the vulnerability of the affected community. 

CHAPTER IV: CASE DESCRIPTION

DESCRIPTION OF THE AREA

1.1 THE REHABILITATION CENTRE AT POTHUKAL

 The auditorium opposite to the Pothukal Panchayath Office, near the Pothukal private bus station is the rehabilitation centre. The rehabilitation centre is almost 18 kilometres far from the Nilambur main town and it takes almost one and a half hours of travel by bus/jeep from Nilambur to Pothukal. There is no public transport facility to Pothukal.

The auditorium comprising of a two – storeyed building houses the rehabilitation camp. The ground floor of the building was occupied by a grocery shop and a meat selling shop. The entrance to the rehabilitation centre was through a congested path, in between two shops. 

The two storeyed – auditorium has been the rehabilitation centre for 14 Kattu Paniya families for the past 3 years, affected by the Kavalappara landslide of 2019. Soon after the landslide, about 32 families (180 people) came to the rehabilitation centre. Many have left and now about 55 people live there consisting of 23 men, 20 women and 12 children. These people live in an area of about 2000 square feet. 

On one corner, outside the building, there is a small open space where families used to cook.  They cook outside as there is not enough cooking space inside the hall. The hall, which is on the first floor, consisted of 2 toilets at one corner and the rest of the space was fully occupied by the families. 

As the researcher entered the rehabilitation centre which is on the first floor of the building, a wash area could be observed on the right side and water was spread up all across the tiled floor. The air they breathed was full of odour from the toilet. Many people were sitting on the floor. Clothes were hung in the hall, by randomly tying ropes. There was a gas stove, which belonged to one of the families. This is the space where 14 families (about 43 people) have been cooking, eating and sleeping, for the past 3 years! 

1.2 THE RESETTLEMENT AREA AT ANAKKALLU

Anakkallu is located in between Nilambur main town and Pothukal town, almost 15 kilometres away from Nilambur. The way to the new settlement area is almost one to two kilometres away from the main road. The path is not tarred. Both sides of the narrow path are surrounded by different kinds of vegetation including areca palm. Only private bus transportation is available at Anakkallu, which is also not frequent. In order to reach the settlement from Anakkallu bus stop people have to either walk or hire an auto rickshaw and pay 40 to 50 rupees. The resettlement area is located in a bit elevated area. The reddish soil in the area reminded the soil of the landslide area of Muthappankunnu, Kavalappara.

As the researcher reached the area where houses for almost 32 Kattu Paniya families are being constructed, it was clear that the majority of the houses remain incomplete. Despite incomplete construction 5 families had shifted to the houses from the rehabilitation centre. Electricity connection is still not available in many houses. The houses are arranged in a top to bottom fashion on sloping terrain. House plots have been levelled off the sloping terrain. By standing at the entry point to the settlement, the researcher could see houses right at the bottom of the valley. All the houses are single – storeyed terrace buildings. Only limited space is available in between each house. There were no trees or greenery in this new area, while Kavalappara was a green place. Residents reported that it was much warmer here at the new site. People were found sitting outside their homes in the hope of getting some cool breeze.  By standing at the top of the hill, the researcher could observe green hills on the four sides of the area. It was a point of realisation that this indigenous community is going to live in a very dry hilly area surrounded by many green hills. 

CASE 1

Family in the Rehabilitation Centre, Pothukal Panchayat, Nilambur

When the researcher reached the rehabilitation centre, the majority of the men weren’t there. They had gone to the river for fishing. The researcher could see nine children in the 2 to 15 age group. The researcher could hear an eight year old boy repeatedly asking his mother – ‘Amma, when will we be going home?’ 

At the rehabilitation centre, the researcher met the Kattu Paniya family -1.

Family Details

Mr Velayudhan of 41 years is the earning member of Kattu Paniya Family-1. The family has three members, including his wife and a son who is in the 4th standard. He has been living in the rehabilitation centre with his family, since the past three years. 

Livelihood Struggles

Mr Velayudhan and family depended on daily wages, even before the Kavalappara landslide. He used to do masonry works as well as agriculture. His wife is a MGNREGA wage worker. Even in normal years, the rainfall during the months of July- August used to severely affect the family’s daily wage opportunities. Mr Velayudhan recalled that in 2019, the rainfall in July – August was very heavy and struggled to go to work during that period.- ‘Besides the daily wage work in the village, work was also assigned by the forest department for which both men and women used to go. Unlike people from other tribal settlements, Kattu Paniyas of Kavalappara hardly go to forest for MFP collection. We are more likely to do other daily wage jobs for survival.’ – says Mr Velayudhan. 

After the Kavalappara landslide, Mr Velayudhan and family suffered the loss of daily wage work for almost a year. The event was on 8th August 2019 and he shifted to the rehabilitation centre the very next day of the disaster event, along with his family. Loss of livelihood followed by the pandemic wave of 2020, aggravated the situation. The public distribution system played a critical role in ensuring the family’s food security during this period. 

Beside the daily wage work, Mr Velayudhan had small scale agricultural land; rubber was the major crop and the family got a yield for about a year but lost the entire land after the landslide. Most members of the Paniya community of Kavalappara own small plots of farm lands. This is often treated as a disqualification in distributing aid. “ Paniyas of Kavalappara receive very little aid as compared to other settlements, in the name of possessing farm lands and have better educational qualifications’ – says Mr Velayudhan.

The loss of social connections due to shift to  the rehabilitation centre from the place where they were born and brought up also aggravated the situation of reduction in daily wage work.

 “When we were in Kavalappara, those who knew us used to call us for small jobs like cleaning farmland, but that is not the case here. Here in this camp, we lack connections with people outside. Nobody is calling us for work. We are getting enough food materials; *from salt to camphor* in this camp…but that is not enough; money is of course a necessity for many things to be done properly” – says Mr Velayudhan.

Lack of access to information – incomplete housing

The loss of livelihood and the resultant financial crisis forced the family to spend the money received for housing recovery from the government on the basic needs. This happened due to a misunderstanding. “During the post – disaster phase, our people received financial help from different sources and we thought that the money given by the government for housing is also a part of this financial help, and we spent it for household purposes” – recollects Mr Velayudhan. Mr Velayudhan’s family received about 80,000 rupees in the initial period of the post-disaster phase of which about 60% was spent by the family without knowing that the money was for house construction. Later the family was compelled to take a loan for completing their house construction in Anakkallu.

Life in Rehabilitation Centre

Mr Velayudhan and family reached the rehabilitation centre at Pothukal on the day after the disaster. The family initially took shelter in their relative’s house and then came to the rehabilitation centre. 3 years of life in the rehabilitation centre have left them with a sense of desolation. In the first year they were ensured with adequate support for basic needs, but as days passed things changed. The pandemic time made the situation worse. The rehabilitated community suffered with lack of basic facilities including enough bathrooms in the camp. More than 55 people lived under one roof, during the pandemic period (14 people later shifted to Anakkallu, where houses were constructed). A poor plumbing system led to the water from the washing area spreading to all parts of the hall.

 Loss of livelihood coupled with difficult living conditions in the rehabilitation centre made it very difficult for the resettled community. “After the disaster, 32 families came into this rehabilitation centre…almost 180 people and they were accommodated in the two storeys of this building. Many families left this place and started living in rented houses. I couldn’t afford one. I remained here with the rest of 14 families. We received food items via ITDP and ration shops, but if somebody gets ill…. we are unable to take them to the hospital, since we lack enough money for medicines,” says Mr Velayudhan.

Social connections

The loss in social connections, due to the relocation and continued life in the rehabilitation centre make the situation worse, “we don’t have any personal connections in the place where we live, right now. How can we ask 100 rupees from someone in this town, for buying medicines or some other essentials?” Mr Velayudhan asks helplessly. While living in Kavalappara, the family used to borrow money from people within the community, as well as their neighbours who are close to them when in need. Mr Velayudhan says – “At that time I was sure about repaying the borrowed money by working for wages. But now… in this camp, how can I ask someone to give me some money to meet the needs of my family?  Here everyone is in crisis.” Mr Velayudhan therefore faces a dual issue! He lacks social connections in the rehabilitation centre and he is also unable to borrow money from people since everyone in the camp is undergoing the same financial crisis. Even if he were to borrow money from someone he is not sure about repaying the same, since he is not getting adequate daily wage work as he got before.

Conflicts in the camp

Life under a ‘single’ roof led to small quarrels between the families. Living under a single roof without having enough interactions with the outside world, especially during the pandemic period made it stressful. This leads to small quarrels. Quarrels often start over limited space and sharing of amenities. Initially there was a single kitchen area where food for all the families was cooked. Later each family started cooking separately.

The Drinking Water

Life in the rehabilitation centre has never been easy for Mr Velayudhan’s family. “The drinking water we get is of very poor quality. Many members in our family suffered from frequent stomach problems and vomiting. We were happy and healthy during the times we had drinking water from our chola” – says Mr Velayudhan. Chola refers to a forest spring, where fresh water is available in plenty. This forest spring they used to depend on was situated near the Kattu Paniya settlement in the Kavalappara – Muthappan Kunnu region. Mr Velayudhan recollects that on the day of the landslide, hours before the event happened, the water in this forest spring turned muddy with a different smell. After the landslide event, the spring was filled by the landslide debris including parts of trees, big stones and so on.

In the rehabilitation camp, drinking water is provided from a bore well. Initially the community faced health issues including stomach pain and vomiting after consuming this water at the camp. ‘It took some time to get adjusted with this new ‘taste’ of water’ – says Mr Velayudhan.

Housing Recovery 

Mr Velayudhan lost his house in the landslide of Kavalappara. He had to take loan for completing his house construction at Anakkallu, Pothukal Panchayat, where the houses for the Kattu Paniya affected by the Kavalappara landslide are being constructed. It was done so as per the demand of the community that they want to live in a single settlement. In the initial phase the family received an aid of about 80,000 rupees for house construction, of which 60% they spent without knowing the fact that the money was meant for house construction. The family was compelled to take a loan of about 1 lakh rupees to complete the house construction. 

 “Construction of a number of houses is still incomplete, even after 3 years. There are families who aren’t capable of taking loans to complete their house construction. I took a loan. Kitchen and sanitation facilities aren’t provided for the houses which are still in the uncompleted stage due to lack of money. People are asked to give money for constructing the kitchen and toilet. At least they would have been provided with a toilet and a kitchen, then it will be a greater help. ” says Mr Velayudhan.

There is a serious issue on drinking water availability at Anakkallu where new houses have been constructed. “A case is on-going at Manjeri court regarding this issue and the hearing will be on August 23rd. We can’t shift to our new houses without drinking water availability.” says Mr Velayudhan. A few months ago a case was filed against the concerned authorities, regarding the issue. Legal support for the same was ensured to the community by two advocates.

Loss of Cultural Environment

Mr Velayudhan and family are still struggling to adapt to the dislocation from their original environment. Their community practices and beliefs lie in the soils of Kavalappara. The festivals, other celebrations etc also get affected by the shift. “We lost our Onam festival 3 years ago. After the incident in Kavalappara we came to this hall …this is not a home. We have been here since the past 3 years and all our celebrations have now become a memory. Onam, Vishu etc are really important for us. We used to feast our families during every Onam…but now…” Mr Velayudhan continued after a pause, “Children started asking ‘don’t we have Onam and a new dress?’ ” 

The temple where the community practises their rituals is situated at the Kavalappara, near the landslide area and is unaffected. Paniya still visit their old environment once a while, which is slowly converting into a forest and is frequently visited by elephants. The shift to the rehabilitation centre affected their community practices, since the distance to the temple increased.  Mr Velayudhan and family still go to the river for fishing and he remarks “ the feeling of being in the soil where we were born, fishing at the river, getting the cool breeze…it can’t be explained, but it has to be experienced!”

Disruption in Social Ties

Though the family still long to go back, the Kavalappara disaster seems to have affected the community bonding. Mr Velayudhan remarked with sorrow that after the landslide in which 52 lives were lost in a night, none of the relatives living in other settlements came to visit them.

“52 lives…52 lives lost in that night…in the landslide…nobody from blood relations, from nearby settlements visited us even after informing them of the deaths. What relations…! What relatives!” says Mr Velayudhan. 

The shift from the original environment of the community led to a very serious disruption in the life of the community.

CASE 2

Family in the Rehabilitation Centre, Pothukal Panchayat, Nilambur

The researcher met the Kattu Paniya Family- 2 at the Chaliyar riverside, almost 300 metres away from the auditorium opposite to the Pothukal Panchayath Office, near the Pothukal private bus station. The researcher first reached the rehabilitation centre which is almost 18 kilometres far from the Nilambur main town and found that only few children and a lady with a new born baby of 5 months remained there. As per the information provided by the 22 year old lady, the researcher went to the Chaliyar riverside almost 300 metres away from the auditorium to meet the families who went to spend their time in the riverside. The researcher reached the riverside and found some Kattu Paniya families who were busy in fishing and washing their clothes.

The researcher met the 42 -year old lady, who was sitting alone on a rock near the riverside, looking at the other side of the river. Her eyes reflected that she was in some deep thought. As the researcher approached the lady, she looked and smiled. 

Family Details

Mrs. Thangam is a 42 -year old lady of the Kattu Paniya Family- 2. The family included Mrs. Thangam and her three sons. After the Kavalappara landslide, she shifted to the rehabilitation centre along with her sons. Two of them got married and shifted to Anakkallu where new houses are under construction. Now Mrs. Thangam along with her third son remains at the rehabilitation centre. Her house is under construction at Anakkallu.

Livelihood Struggles

Mrs. Thangam is a daily wage worker. She used to do MGNREGA works while living at Kavalappara. Beside this she used to do works in other people’s agricultural land. Her sons also worked for daily wages. 

After the Kavalappara landslide, Mrs. Thangam and family suffered the loss of daily wage work for almost a year. The event was on 08th August 2019 and she shifted to the rehabilitation centre after 2 days. Meanwhile she stayed with her family in one of the houses of her relative, which was unaffected by the landslide.  The shift to the rehabilitation centre made her family’s daily livelihood in misery. Getting daily wage work in Pothukal town, where the family resides in the rehabilitation centre has never been an easy task. “ I have stopped going to daily wage work. Here it is very difficult to obtain… but there will be works at Kavalappara, especially in other agricultural lands which remain unaffected after the disaster. But travelling from Pothukal to Kavalappara requires a minimum of 200 rupees for auto – rickshaw. So, I stopped working.” says Mrs. Thangam.

Coping without a job was not easy, especially the COVID time. Though the family received essential food materials through PDS, the financial crisis was a major challenge. “My younger son was studying in 10th standard when the landslide happened. Somehow he managed to pass the exams. The teachers were so helpful during that time. But then he stopped his studies and started doing daily wage work. But the pandemic became a great challenge to our life.” says Mrs. Thangam. 

Social connections

Loss of social connections after the displacement to rehabilitation centre made the family more vulnerable. Mrs. Thangam remarked that this displacement affected their family to a greater extent since they lost the connection with the people whom they know very well and had a kind of space to ask for necessary things including money for lent. 

“I am a diabetic patient. Due to the financial crisis, I couldn’t afford the treatment and now it’s been a week since the tablets are over” says Mrs. Thangam, with a helpless smile.

The disaster event

Mrs. Thangam recollected the day – “There has been heavy rain since the past few days…the forest spring flowed turbulently. The muddy water was actually a sign. My sons were not at home. They returned home after work at about 7 pm. I was preparing some black tea for them; meanwhile there was a rush outside. My son asked, “Amma, everyone is shifting to safer places. People says that the situation is not suitable to reside near Muthappan.“ As soon after he completed his words there was a horrible sound like a bomb blast. Before we could think anything, the right side of our house was filled with rocks, tree trunks and mud. We ran out of the house and ran towards the left side…towards Edavanna.”

The hill which was subjected to the landslide event is known by the name Muthappankunnu and the Kattu Paniya community of Kavalappara used to call it by the name Muthappan. The respect which the community gave to nature as well as considering nature as divine was reflected in her words. Edavanna is a small village in the Nilambur block.

“There was no electricity and we were suffering from panic. We were on the other side of the overflowing stream. People shouted and screamed in panic…somehow we were rescued to the other side of the muddy- overflowing stream.” After a pause she resumed – “I lost my younger sister and her younger son. Her daughter and husband somehow ran away and reached the road. But the boy…he was in 8th standard…he couldn’t survive.” The pain of losing own blood reflected in her face.

Life in Rehabilitation Centre

From a wide open space to a closed congested space…life in a rehabilitation centre has never been easy.  Though there have small quarrels in name of space congestion and limited resources, we still live here in peace. – says Mrs. Thangam. She says that if there were any serious issues between them, 14 families living under one roof even after 3 years is impossible.

“Initially, we had a single kitchen arrangement to make food. Later each family started cooking separately. But still we used to share curries between us.” says Mrs. Thangam.

At the early period of rehabilitation, the major issue faced by the community was the drinking water which was available at the rehabilitation centre. Besides that, the leakage in the pipes at the hand wash area was actually a difficulty for the people who reside there.

Housing Recovery 

Mrs. Thangam lost her house in the landslide of Kavalappara. New houses are under construction at the Anakkallu, about 800 metre away from the rehabilitation centre, as per the request of the community that they need houses together at one place so that they can restore their community life, by creating one single settlement. It is between Chungathara and Pothukal. 

 “My house is almost at the end stage of construction. Electricity and water are yet to be supplied, so that I can shift to the house along with my son. My two elder sons are married and have already shifted to their houses. Many among our people are asked to give money for the completion of construction works, since they have already spent some amount for other needs, not knowing that the money is provided for house construction. I haven’t received any amount at the initial stage and hence I gave the total money provided with me for house construction “Concludes Mrs. Thangam, about her housing recovery process.

The Drinking Water at Anakkallu

Ever since the community left their original place – Kavalappara, availability of good quality drinking water has become a major problem. Though they face issues related to drinking water at the rehabilitation centre at Pothukal, the real problems are yet to be faced at the Anakkallu where the resettlement is planned and carried out at a slow pace.  The drinking water availability at Anakkallu is a question mark in front of this indigenous people. A couple of Kattu Paniya families have already shifted to the Anakkallu and started living in even uncompleted houses, with no electricity supply. At present, water is available from one bore well almost 200 metres away from the resettlement area. But for almost 32 families to live…this bore well is not an adequate source of drinking water. 

Mrs. Thangam remarked about the on-going case at the Manjeri court on the issue of drinking water availability at the resettlement area. She said “the advocates ensured us that they will help us in fighting to fulfil our essential need of drinking water. We have already complained at several offices, yet nothing changed and hence we decided to go with a case.”

Loss of Cultural Environment and change in food habit

Mrs. Thangam and family struggle to cope with the shift to the new environment. “When we were at Kavalappara, it was a real happy life for us. We used to gather at one house during marriage functions. We often used to visit houses of our people, used to spend evenings…talking to each other…sharing the Kavira we often brought from the forest…”

While talking Mrs. Thangam sunk into memories. Kavira is a wild variety of tuber crop. After the landslide and flooding the availability of the tuber decreased gradually. And the shift to the rehabilitation centre affected the community’s access to such wild varieties and the harmony of sharing the same. “We still go to Kavalappara, to visit our temple. Our marriages still happen at that place.” says Mrs. Thangam.

Mrs. Thangam is concerned about the future life of her family in the new settlement. She says – “Kavalappareenn eedeykk vannu. Eedee ipo korach kaalayi. Ineppo eedann puthiya edatheekk poovum. Aade enganeyaavumnn oorthittaa… muthapppankunnummelu…aade ..aaade njammalu jeevicha jeevithonnum bere eada poyalum aakula (we came here [rehabilitation centre] from Kavalappara. It’s been a while here. Now… we will be shifting to the new place [resettlement area] from here. I don’t know how life will be there, wherever we move to; it can’t be like the life we lived at Muthappankunnu.) She concluded with a deep sigh.

CASE 3

Family in the Rehabilitation Centre, Pothukal Panchayat, Nilambur

The researcher met the Kattu Paniya Family- 3 at the auditorium opposite to the Pothukal Panchayath Office, near the Pothukal private bus station. 

As the researcher approached the family, the 29 year – old lady; Mrs. Radha of Kattu Paniya Family- 3 was busy making lunch for the family. She was accompanied by her husband Mr.Gopi. The cooking was carried out at one corner of the auditorium hall, where a number of steel pots were randomly placed on the slab. A young child of almost 7 years was roaming around here and there in the auditorium hall and he was eagerly waiting for his lunch to be cooked soon. 

Mr.Gopi actively participated in sharing his experiences about the disaster event and the life in the rehabilitation centre and encouraged Mrs. Radha to speak up. But Mrs. Radha talked in a very low voice and in a slow pace, reflecting the whole pain and agony she suffers till date, after the disaster event and shift from their place. After every word she uttered…there was a pause! A silence of reflection of pain and losing her family.

Family Details

Kattu Paniya Family- 3 consists of two members. Mrs. Radha, who is about 29 years and her husband Mr.Gopi of about 35 years. Mr.Gopi is a daily wage worker. He does not belong to the Kattu Paniya settlement of Kavalappara. He belongs to the settlement at Vellimattam. Vellimattam is between Pothukal and Kavalappara. It is almost 3 to 4 kilometres away from Pothukal main town. Mrs. Radha was married to Mr. Gopi and came to Vellimattam settlement. But she used to live in her own home, which is at Kavalappara. 

Livelihood Struggles

Mrs. Radha is a daily wage worker and she also used to work as a home maid. As Mrs. Radha lost her family in Kavalappara and shifted to the rehabilitation centre, she lost her way of livelihood. Even after shifting to the rehabilitation centre, she has tried to go for work, but she couldn’t. “eedeykk vanna sheshom sremichittind. Pakshe poittilla” (even after shifting to this place [rehabilitation centre] , I have tried but couldn’t) – Mrs. Radha

There has been a considerable decrease in spending money for essential goods. Mrs. Radha remarked “aade aayirunnapo chelavonnum athrem sredhichirunnilla. Pani indaarnn. Eedeykk vannapo ayinokke oru mattam vann.” (When we lived there we never cared much about the expenditures. There was daily wage work. But when we came here [rehabilitation centre], things have changed). Though she said this, she wasn’t ready to reveal that what all essential needs have been reduced to meet the two ends, with the available resources. Though she is married to another settlement, it seems like she is a very determined person and wishes to live financially independent. 

Life in Rehabilitation Centre

Mrs. Radha came to the rehabilitation centre at Pothukal a couple of days  after the disaster. “I was in Ernakulam… I came to know about the demise of my family members 2-3 days after the event happened. First I went to Kavalappara, but there was heavy rain and flooding everywhere So I couldn’t reach there. I  was shifted to a Church at Bhoodanam. Later I was shifted to this rehabilitation centre” – says  Mrs. Radha. Bhoodanam is almost 2-3 kilometres from Kavalappara. 

Life in this centre is not so easy – says Mrs. Radha. “ eedeykk vannapo…ellarum onnich …panikk pokanum patunilla. Pinne kudumbakkarokke poyente vesamom…nte eadathiyum kutteem poyi” (Here [rehabilitation centre] everyone lives together, I can’t go for work, there is the pain of losing my family…I have lost my sister and her son).

Mrs. Preetha, one of the relatives of Mrs. Radha, says “Camp is not like our home. There is no privacy here.”  “ravilenn vaikunnerathekk oru kaathirippum…vaikunneratheenn rathreelekk kathirippum. Athinu shesham ravile aakanath, vechundakkanath, kazhikkanath…ithokkeyanu..angott porathekkulloru chinda njangakkilla. Parakkanulla oravasaram nishedhikkappetta pakshikalde oravasthaya njangakk. Itheennokke onnu mari sontham veettukk poi vechindakki kazhikkanolloru sukham njangakk kittanee ennaanu chinda. Aade ini vellom soukaryom varatheenakkond angott poovan thamasam und.” ( a longing from morning to evening…evening to night..Again next morning, cooking, eating, there is no other thought beyond this. We are living here like the birds who have denied their chance to fly. We have been longing to shift to our own home and start cooking and eating there. That‘s all we need. The drinking water facility is yet to come there, so that we can shift.)  Concludes Mrs. Preetha, who is from Mananthavady of Wayanad district and married to the Paniya Community in Kavalappara

 Mr. Gopi remarked – “sherikk paranjal central jail poleyanu ivdathe avastha. Njan vellimattathaanu. Ideykk eedeekk varum. Ivar kidakkunna avastha kandal thulli vellam kudikkan thonnilla.”(The situation here is actually like in a central jail. I am from Vellimuttam. I often visit here. One can’t even drink a drop of water after seeing the situation in which these people live here.)

Lack of access to information – incomplete housing

Mrs. Radha and her family lost their house in the Kavalappara disaster. Now the construction work for her house has not yet started at Anakkallu. She spent the money received for house construction, without knowing that the money is for the construction purpose. She says – “I have received some amount in the name of my father, who lost his life in the disaster. This money for construction too came with that money. I wasn’t aware that the money was for house construction. Though I asked about this in the bank, before spending the money they too said that this is not the money for house construction. Now they are saying that I have to give the money so that they can start construction works. What can I do…” She helplessly says – “ariyandedth chelavaakki poyathaanu.” (I spent the money, without knowing its purpose).

She has no idea about the actual amount she received or the amount she spent. She wasn’t ready to reveal that for what all purposes she spent the amount.

Housing Recovery 

Mr. Gopi shared his views about the political plays behind the housing recovery process. He says – “houses have been constructed for even the non – tribal people who have not even lost their land.  If we look into the affected people in the Kavalappara disaster, most of them are our Paniya people. But we are still here in this camp…even after 3 years. Government says that they are providing everything to the tribal community. But this is the reality. Now we are the only people who remain alone in this camp; we Paniyas. The auditorium owner has said that he isn’t receiving the rent properly; we should leave as soon as possible. But what can we do without getting houses!”

Mr. Gopi is a daily wage worker from Vellimattam, who keeps more contact with the people outside the community. He remarked about the rumour that is spreading in between people, including his friends who do not belong to the community that the whole people affected by Kavalappara disaster have received houses. “That isn’t the truth. This is the truth. We are still in this camp.” says Mr. Gopi

Loss of Cultural Environment and community ties

Mrs. Radha still misses her life in her own settlement at Kavalappara. The community members use to visit their place, every year on the day the disaster happened. Very occasionally, Mrs. Radha visits the place where she was born and brought up. She says- “ aadathe jeevithonnum angana marakkan patula. Athokka oru jeevitham thanneyarnn” (it is not possible to erase the memories of the life we lived there. It was an actual life!)

“We used to often visit relative’s houses. We gathered at the temple for special days.” she says desperately – “ipo eedannarum angadeykkum ponilla…adann sonthakkaronnum ingadeykkum varanilla.” (Now nobody is visiting there and no relatives are coming here). Her words reflect that the community bonding is slowly weakening in the aftermath of the Kavalappara disaster. The disaster – induced displacement impacted on the community -life. 

CASE 4

Family in the Resettlement Area, Anakkallu of Pothukal Panchayat, Nilambur

The researcher met the Kattu Paniya Family-4 at the resettlement area, Anakkallu of Pothukal Panchayat, Nilambur. It was almost 12 noon as the researcher reached the Anakkallu. The temperature was so exhausting and the researcher could find a couple of people in the resettlement area who were sitting outside the incompletely constructed houses. Kattu Paniya Family-4 was living in an incomplete construction. As the researcher approached the family, the old lady who was sitting on the floor of the Veranda looked inside the house and called her daughter in- law to come out. Her daughter in- law came outside the house with a smile and asked the researcher “ammamaare kaanan vannekkanathaano?” (Are you here to visit mothers?). She sat on the un – tiled floor of the veranda along with her mother in law. A small puppy came out of the house and lay near her and remained quiet as if he was too ready to listen to the post – disaster experiences of the family.

Family Details

Kattu Paniya family-4 consists of six members. Mrs. Ramani, her son, daughter in- law Mrs. Sudha, and 3 granddaughters. Family – 4 shifted to their new house in Anakkallu, even before the completion of the house.

Livelihood Struggles

Mrs. Ramani and family depended on daily wages, even before the Kavalappara landslide. She used to go for daily wages, but she stopped it due to health issues even before the Kavalappara landslide. Her son is also a daily wage worker who used to do agriculture related wage works. After the landslide the family shifted to the rehabilitation centre and then to the resettlement area where houses are being constructed. Now rubber tapping is the major livelihood of the family. 

“Aade aayirunnappolathappolonnum alla eede. Eede njammakk pani okka koravaanu. Njammakk ini onn pidich nikkanam”. (The situation here is not like there [at Kavalappara]. Here we get less number of daily wages. We must cope up.) – says Mrs. Ramani 

My husband became ill. Now I am the one who goes to work. I have three girl children. Two of them are studying. Elder one stopped her schooling after 10th standard – Says Mrs. Sudha.

The Disaster Event

Mrs. Sudha recollected the day – “Our house is near to the temple in Kavalappara. It was about 5pm on the day of the landslide, the forest spring near the hill started overflowing with muddy water. I was preparing food, when my sister came and told me that the situation seems not so good, it is better to shift to a relative’s house for tonight. I told my sister to accompany my children and my mother and I followed them with my husband. The path was filled with muddy water and I told everyone to move from their houses. But many of them were not ready to leave their house.  “Cheloru paranja enthaann ariyuo? – enthina kuttye ingana pedichodane? Nammala muthapparu chathikkoolla nammale.’’ (Do you know what some people said while asking them to come with us? They said ‘why are you being afraid? Muthappan won’t betray us).

Those people who believed Muthappan and mocked the people who shifted from the place during that night, vanished in the next morning. Even the Mooppan requested the people to shift on that night. But the disaster occurred within seconds. The landslide brought tree trunks, soil and stones to both the three sides of the hill. The temple and the island-like area formed after the landslide remained unaffected. Many people were trapped in this area and later rescued by making bridges using areca palm woods.  

Housing Recovery 

Mrs. Sudha hasn’t lost her house in the disaster, but the family was asked to shift from the place, since it is geographically vulnerable to landslides. Mrs. Sudha remarks about the housing recovery process that her house is in an uncompleted stage. This is because she spent the money given for house construction, without knowing that it is for that purpose. Now she is unable to repay the amount and forced to live in an uncompleted house with her three daughters. She shifted to the house almost a year ago.

Lack of access to information – incomplete housing

The loss of livelihood and the resultant financial crisis forced the family to spend the money received for housing recovery from the government on the basic needs. This happened due to a misunderstanding. “We were in a stressed mental state when we came to the rehabilitation centre after the landslide. The authorities told us that we will be provided with an MP fund, fund from Panchayat and so on, since we were unable to go to work during that time. Now they are saying that the money they gave to us is the one for house construction. I don’t know. I spent the money for the treatment of my husband who was ill, thinking that it was part of the aid provided for us. We were let know that the money was for house construction, after we bought place for the construction. It was a mistake that happened unknowingly. I would have never spent that money, if I were aware of it. Now the house has been roofed but not yet completed. I am unfit to repay the amount by taking out a loan or by borrowing money.  I am also not able to afford a rented house. I take care of my family by going to MGNREGA works and separating gold from the sand in the river. Says Mrs. Sudha.

“I have informed the ITDP officers as well that I am unable to repay the amount for house construction. But they too have to understand my situation, right? Will anybody deliberately spend the money for their own house construction?” She concludes with a question.

Life in Rehabilitation Centre

 After the disaster the affected people were shifted to the rehabilitation centre. At first we were shifted to Poolappadam School. Then people from Kavalappara shifted to Bhoodanam Madrasa. There both the ST community and other people were together. Then our community alone shifted to the rehabilitation centre at Pothukal. 

Living under a single roof was not so easy. There were limited facilities including bathroom. Privacy of the girl children was the major challenge in the camp that the family faced.

Conflicts in the camp

The Kattu Paniya community alone shifted to the camp at Pothukal. “nammal mathram aayappo korach pottalum cheettalum okka indayi. Pakshe nammakk angittum parayan patula, ingattum parayan patula. Okke cheriya cheriya bandhangal aanu.” (There happened some conflicts when we people [Kattu Paniya community] alone started living in the camp. But we can’t say anything because all of them are our relatives) says Mrs. Sudha. 

“Pemmakkalolla ammamaravumbo oru vingal aanu. Namakk aammakkalayirunne avar evdelokka ninnolum nn vekkam. Athondokkeya ingattekk mariye.” (It is a greater tension for a mother of girl children. If children were boys, let us think that they may stay anywhere. So I shifted from there [rehabilitation centre] )-  she concluded with a deep sigh.

Though she wasn’t ready to reveal, the researcher could sense that something had happened in the camp which violated the limits and it had forced her family to move from the camp, in order to avoid further conflicts. 

The Resettlement Area at Anakkallu – Concerns about practising community life.

The Anakkallu resettlement area lacks the space to perform the rituals of the community. “Still we go to Kavalappara to perform our rituals. It is very difficult to visit Kavalappara especially if it rains. We are afraid that another disaster may occur, if it rains heavily at Kavalappara. We need a place to worship our deity, close to our settlement. Here, there is no place for the same. Also it is our need to have our own space for cremating our people after death. Here very limited space is allocated for each family and no such facilities are available. This need have raised at the Ooru Koottam, last time.” says Mrs. Sudha.

Loss of Cultural Environment

The family is still struggling to adapt to the dislocation from their original environment. They used to visit their temple in Kavalappara during special days. But they are afraid of facing another landslide especially during the rainy season. This fear made them to avoid visiting their temple during the Malayalam month of Karkidakam on which they have to perform rituals for their demised ancestors. As per the belief of the community, one should never cross the river with the dead body of a Kattu Paniya tribal. Due to the loss of their place, which is on the other side of the river and here in this new settlement they have no place to perform the rightful cremation, they are forced to cross the river to cremate the dead body of their relatives, on the other side of the river, which is close to the forest. Thus they are forced to break their cultural beliefs due to the disaster and displacement from their environment. 

“Ingattekk vannath kuttyolde padithathinokka eluppayi , oarukk pozha kadakkand padikkan povam. Ennalum nammal janich valarnna mannum, aa snehabandhangalum onnum namakk marakkan kayiyoolla” (shift to this place [Anakkallu] give more convenience for children to go to school without crossing the river. But we can’t forget the loss of the place where we were born and brought up and those relationships) concludes Mrs. Sudha with a deep sigh.

CASE 5 

Family in the Resettlement Area, Anakkallu of Pothukal Panchayat, Nilambur

The researcher met the Kattu Paniya Family-5 at the resettlement area, Anakkallu of Pothukal Panchayat, Nilambur. It was almost 12 noon as the researcher reached the Anakkallu. The temperature was so exhausting and the researcher could find a couple of people in the resettlement area who were sitting outside the incompletely constructed houses. Kattu Paniya Family-5 was living in a house which was almost completed. As the researcher approached the family, the white coloured dog who was sitting in front of the Veranda barked and gave the sign that strangers are not allowed.  Mrs. Kali, the ninety year old lady was sitting on a chair in the veranda. She was chewing betel leaves with tobacco and areca nut. Her lips were red and she smiled at the researcher, showing her jaw, where a couple of teeth were missing. Wrinkles on her face and hands reflected her age.

Family Details

Kattu Paniya family- 5 consists of 5 members including Mrs. Kali of age about 90, her daughter Mrs. Santha, Santha’s son, her daughter who is married, and daughter’s newborn baby. 

Livelihood 

In Kavalappara, the family used to work for daily wages. As they shifted from the land, there came a shift in their livelihood as well.  Mrs. Santha worked as ST promoter of the community, while living in Kavalappara. After shifting to Anakkallu, she has stopped working and her son is working as a solar mechanic in a company in Kannur. Mrs. Santha remarked that though there was a struggling period, now everything is fine and her son is going to work.

The disaster event 

Mrs. Kali recollected the day – “kallum mannum onnaayitt vann. Kore veedokka nashtappett…aalkkarum. Njangada padom parambumokka mannu nerannupoi. Njangada veed poilla.” (stone and soil came together. Many houses were lost…people too. Our fields and paddy fields were covered with soil. We did not lose our house). Pointing towards her knee she said that she suffered injury since the landslide. As the landslide occurred with a huge sound, Mrs. Kali who was sitting on a chair in the Veranda of her house fell down from the chair and got an injury on her backbone. She was even unable to get up. “It was really difficult to transport Amma from the house. I panicked. My son was only 14 year old at the time of the disaster. He lifted Amma in his hands and somehow placed her in a safe space. It was raining heavily and we suffered a lot at that time” – says Mrs. Santha.

“On that night, we came to our relative’s house which is about 500 metres away from the Muthappan Kunnu. We stayed there and then went to the camp the next morning. We somehow gathered the people and started walking to the camp. On the way there were landslips in places including Thudimutti. It was difficult to transport the elderly people. It was informed that there will be a vehicle facility from Panangayam temple. People were accommodated in different camps including Poolappadam school, Bhoodanam school and Poolappadam Madrasa.I stayed at the camp for only 6 days and then along with my family I shifted to a rented house in Pothukal.” she concluded.

Housing Recovery 

Mrs. Kali hasn’t lost her house in the disaster, but the family was asked to shift from the place, since it is geographically vulnerable to landslides. Mrs. Kali remarks about the housing recovery process – “Enakk ivide veed kitti. Ingattekk vannu. Oru molund. Avakk thazhe veed vekkanund. Panamokke muzhuvanum vangi. Pakshe veedayittilla.” (I got a house here. I came here. I have a daughter. Her house is being constructed down there. They have given the full amount. But the house is still incomplete).

Lack of access to information – Incomplete Housing

The resultant financial crisis faced by the family in the post – disaster phase forced them to spend the money received for housing recovery from the government on the basic needs. This happened due to a misunderstanding. “Koree paisa vanna koottathilanu veedinte paisem vannath. Enikkareellarnn. Njan ariyandedth chelavakki poi. Pinne loan edth thirich adach.” ( The money for house construction came along with money from other sources. I wasn’t aware of that. I spent it. I repaid the amount by taking out a loan) said Mrs. Santha, Kali’s daughter. 

It seems like Santha wasn’t ready to reveal the exact amount she spent or the amount she took as loan and the bank or source from where she took the loan. “There is an amount of one lakh to be received from the ITDP, in the name of my mother” – she concluded the discussion as if she was not so interested in revealing the actual financial burden she faced.

Fixing the Resettlement Area

The family wasn’t fully aware about the place to where they are shifting and going to live the rest of their life. “Ee sthalam kandittillarnnu. Ivideyann areellarnnu munp. Sthalokke oorumooppanokke vannu kanda sheshanu theerumaniche.” (I haven’t seen this place before [Anakkallu]. The place was fixed after the head of the community visited the area) says Mrs. Santha. “I haven’t visited the resettlement area along with the community members, but I visited this place once with ITDP officers, after people fixed this place for us. Before fixing Anakkallu, we have visited places in Chembankolly and Irulikkunnu, but our people themselves rejected those areas and stick on to this place.” she concluded. 

Availability of Essential Resources in the Resettlement Area

Firewood is available in the forest on the other shore of the river, which is not much far from the resettlement area. But in order to bring it, people must cross the Chaliyar River. “When there is extreme scarcity of firewood, we bring it from Kavalappara by using some means of transportation. It is a costly process” says Mrs. Santha. Now drinking water is the major issue. “The bore well made by society for some construction purposes is the source of water for the families who started living in the resettlement area. In the last meeting with the authorities it has been ensured that they will construct another bore – well and tank for the rest of the families and provide essential water.” concluded Mrs. Santha.

Loss of Cultural Environment

The shift from the Kavalappara led to a loss of cultural environment of the family. The eldest member of the family, Mrs. Kali recollects – “nammala kalyanam kayichenu Kavalappaarakk. Achanum ammem ellam Chungathara aarnnu. Pinne kalyanam kayich aadekk poi. Pinna athoru jeevitham aarnnu. Ann kattilokke pokuvarnnu. Athinte kadhayonnum paranja theeroolla. Athokka oru kaalaarnnu. Pinna okka poi. Mala idinju. Eedeykk vannu.” (I was married and came to Kavalappara. Parents were in Chungathara. Then I got married. We used to go to the forest at that time. Those stories are never ending. That was a great time. Then everything was gone. Landslide… I came here). She paused with a simple smile showing her toothless mouth, reflecting her innocence, while her eyes were shedding few drops in the memories of a life she lived in Kavalappara.

CHAPTER V: THEMATIC ANALYSIS & DISCUSSION

THEMATIC ANALYSIS & DISCUSSION

5.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter focuses on the thematic analysis and discussion. The discussion is organised along the following themes:

1. Livelihood vulnerabilities of the disaster-affected community.
2. Indebtedness
3.  Housing vulnerability
4. Rehabilitation of landslide affected communities
5. Life in rehabilitation centre
6. Loss and longing for their land
7. Loss of cultural environment and difficulty in practicing rituals in the new settlement
8. Disruption in Social Ties
9. Change in Food Habit

5.2 PROFILE OF THE RESPONDENTS

The researcher met the five respondents who were all affected from the Kavalappara age group disaster. Four of them were in the 29 – 57 age groups and one person was 92 years old. Out of these three were living in the rehabilitation centre at Pothukal and two had shifted to the incomplete houses in Anakkallu, where the new houses are being constructed. The family’s size range from 2 to 5. Some of the families had small children, some had elderly people. All of them were going to daily wage work like masonry, agriculture, MGNREGA and so on.

5.3 QUESTION – WISE ANALYSIS & DISCUSSION

1. Livelihood vulnerabilities of the disaster affected community

In the post – disaster scenario, one of the major vulnerabilities faced by marginalised sections of the society is livelihood vulnerability. This is true for the people who depend on their immediate natural resource base for their livelihood. This was not different in the case of the Kattu Paniya community after the Kavalappara landslide of 2019. Before the landslide the livelihood of Kattu Paniya community consisted of work on agricultural land, work available from the forest department and MGNREGA works in the immediate area. After the landslide they were shifted out from their original hamlet and forced to live in a rehabilitation camp which is almost 5 kilometres far away from their original place, for about 3 years. The life in the rehabilitation centre associated with the pandemic in 2020 left them struggling to meet the two ends. Since the rehabilitation centre was far from their original environment, they were unable to go to daily wage works which were available there. This is solely because there is no public transport system available from Pothukal to Kavalappara and the rickshaw charges were almost 150 to 200 rupees which was not affordable by the Kattu Paniyas. They hardly got work during the pandemic period. This was the most struggling period. Though they received adequate food kits, there was no extra cash available with them for other expenditures and this made them to control their expenditures. This is explained by Mrs. Radha in case 3- “aade aayirunnapo chelavonnum athrem sredhichirunnilla. Pani indaarnn. Eedeykk vannapo ayinokke oru mattam vann.” (When we lived there we never cared much about the expenditures. There was daily wage work. But when we came here [rehabilitation centre], things have changed). Though she said this, she wasn’t ready to reveal that what all essential needs have been reduced to meet the two ends, with the available resources.

Some of them have agricultural lands. In this case, two families owned agricultural lands and they were cultivated coconut and arecanut. It was all lost after the disaster. Majority among the Kattu Paniya community depend on daily wages. Kattu Paniyas of Kavalappara hardly go to forest for MFP collection.  After the shift from Kavalappara, people among the Kattu Paniya started looking for alternate livelihoods. In case-4 Mrs. Ramani’s son is a daily wage worker who used to do agriculture related wage works, while the family lived in Kavalappara. Now rubber tapping is the major livelihood of the family. Rubber tapping is a seasonal job and hence there comes lack of daily wage work as well as income for the family.

1.1: Loss of Social Connections and livelihood loss

Loss of social connections resulting from the shift from Kavalappara to rehabilitation centre aggravated the livelihood vulnerability of the Kattu Paniya community. As the researcher mentions in Case -1 ‘The loss of social connections due to shift to  the rehabilitation centre from the place where they were born and brought up also aggravated the situation of reduction in daily wage work.’ Social connections actually helped the people of the community in getting daily wage works including agriculture. Also it was their strength during the time of crisis created by the decrease in the number of days of work.

Mr Velayudhan of case 1 mentions about this issue – “When we were in Kavalappara, those who knew us used to call us for small jobs like cleaning farmland, but that is not the case here. Here in this camp, we lack connections with people outside. Nobody is calling us for work.”

2. Indebtedness 

The shift from their original environment left the Kattu Paniya community in a situation which they are struggling to find a source or person to depend on during urgent needs, especially to ask a financial help. Respondents have mentioned this issue.

Mr Velayudhan of case 1 says – “we don’t have any personal connections in the place where we live, right now. How can we ask 100 rupees from someone in this town, for buying medicines or some other essentials?”

Mrs. Thangam of case -2 remarked that this displacement affected their family to a greater extent since they lost the connection with the people whom they know very well and had a kind of space to ask for necessary things including money for lent. 

“I am a diabetic patient. Due to the financial crisis, I couldn’t afford the treatment and now it’s been a week since the tablets are over” says Mrs. Thangam.

Both case 1 and case 2 are Kattu Paniya families who are living in the rehabilitation centre at Pothukal since the past three years, after the landslide. 

3. Housing Vulnerability

Partial or complete damage of houses is one of the major impacts of disasters. Disasters like flood, earthquake, landslides and so on leaves the affected community homeless. Unlike other disasters, the impact of landslides on housing is comparatively more severe. While houses aren’t completely destructed in floods, landslide can even lead to the fully vanishing of houses under the debris. Landslide can affect the houses in two ways. Either it can destroy the house directly and lead to housing vulnerability or the geographical vulnerability of the particular land lead to housing vulnerability to the people who reside there. That is even though the house isn’t directly damaged by the landslide, people are forced to shift from their houses, considering the geographical vulnerability of the particular region and possibility of another landslide occurring. Marginalised sections of society suffer housing vulnerability. The Kattu Paniya community of Kavalappara suffer the housing vulnerability in multiple ways. One; they lost their houses. Two; they forced to live in a rehabilitation camp, since the past 3 years. Three; they are suffering a delay in new house construction which again forces them to remain in camp, where they lack the basic facilities including adequate number of toilets, specific space for kitchen, storage space for fire woods and most importantly their ‘privacy’ of life. Housing vulnerability not just means that the house is losing, but also there comes greater challenges in housing recovery. Kattu Paniya community affected by the Kavalappara landslide is such a marginalised section which faced challenges in housing recovery.

1. Housing Recovery
   1. Delay in house construction

Timely construction of houses is a major aspect in the housing recovery process. Any delay in the house construction can have an impact on the recovery of the affected community. Here in the case of Kattu Paniya community affected by the Kavalappara landslide there was a serious delay from the concerned authorities in the house construction process. As the affected community was shifted to the rehabilitation centre in the Pothukal Panchayat after shifting them from the rehabilitation centres in Poolappadam and Bhoodanam, they were ensured with providing houses. The community put forward a demand that they need houses all together at one single place so that they can lead their community life in one single settlement. The government accepted their demand and it was informed that one of the reasons to start the construction works of the house is that there was a delay in finding a plot were houses for 32 families can be constructed all – together. In 2020, the community was informed that there is a land in Anakkallu and the Mooppan visited the place along with the officials. Mrs. Santha of case 5 remarks about the same – “I haven’t seen this place before [Anakkallu]. The place was fixed after the head of the community visited the area. Before fixing Anakkallu, we have visited places in Chembankolly and Irulikkunnu, but our people themselves rejected those areas and stick on to this place”. It is still a mystery that how the community have accepted this particular land at Anakkallu for resettlement since it is a barren land, 7 to 8 kilometres far from the forest area from where they could collect the natural resources including fire wood. 

Even after fixing the land, there occurred a considerable delay in construction works due to the pandemic waves in 2020. Another major reason for delay in construction of houses as per the information provided by the respondents is discussed below.

2. Lack of Access to information – impact on housing

Information communication is one of the major aspects in the post – disaster phase, especially during the recovery and rehabilitation process. Significance of ‘providing accurate information regarding the relief funds to the marginalised sections of society who lack the access to information on their own’ is something that must be discussed. Here the Kattu Paniya community affected by the Kavalappara disaster is such a marginalised community who lack access to information unless the concerned authorities provide the same, that too in a language without jargons.

Here what happened was the clear-cut illustration of lack of access to information which led the families into an incomplete housing. The families weren’t informed about the fund for housing provided along with other monetary aids like the MP fund. Without knowing the fact, many families spent the money for other needs, which was actually provided for house construction. 

Mr Velayudhan of case 1 recollected – “During the post – disaster phase, our people received financial help from different sources and we thought that the money given by the government for housing is also a part of this financial help, and we spent it for household purposes”.

Mrs. Thangam of case 2 said – “Many among our people are asked to give money for the completion of construction works, since they have already spent some amount for other needs, not knowing that the money is provided for house construction.” 

Mrs. Radha of case-3 said – “I have received some amount in the name of my father, who lost his life in the disaster. This money for construction too came with that money. I wasn’t aware that the money was for house construction. Though I asked about this in the bank, before spending the money they too said that this is not the money for house construction. Now they are saying that I have to give the money so that they can start construction works. What can I do…” She helplessly says – “ariyandedth chelavaakki poyathaanu.” (I spent the money, without knowing its purpose).

Mrs. Sudha of case-4 said – “The authorities told us that we will be provided with an MP fund, fund from Panchayat and so on, since we were unable to go to work during that time. Now they are saying that the money they gave to us is the one for house construction. I don’t know. I spent the money for the treatment of my husband who was ill, thinking that it was part of the aid provided for us. We were let know that the money was for house construction, after we bought place for the construction. It was a mistake that happened unknowingly. I would have never spent that money, if I were aware of it.”

Mrs. Santha of case-5 said – The money for house construction came along with money from other sources. I wasn’t aware of that. I spent it. I repaid the amount by taking out a loan.

Here all the five families experienced lack of access to accurate information regarding the relief funds and the fund for house construction. This becomes one of the strong reasons behind the delay in the recovery process and this it reflects that the housing recovery for Kattu Paniya community affected in Kavalappara landslide is unsuccessful.

4. Rehabilitation of landslide affected communities

Rehabilitation is defined as “a set of interventions designed to optimize functioning and reduce disability in individuals with health conditions in interaction with their environment (WHO, 2021).  In case of landslide affected communities the process of rehabilitation includes housing with proper sanitation and drinking water availability, access road to the settlements and so on. 

Here in the case of Kattu Paniya community affected by the Kavalappara landslide, a clear cut depiction of reduction in the quality of living standards is visible. The rehabilitation of the community is carried out in different phases. First they were rehabilitated to an auditorium in Pothukal Panchayat. Issues related to that will be discussed as a separate theme. The resettlement; house construction in Anakkallu was also a part of the overall rehabilitation and recovery processes. In case of Kattu Paniya community, the resettlement area lacks many essential elements which are important for successful rehabilitation process. The researcher visited the Anakkallu settlement, which is located almost 7-8 kilometres away from the Kavalappara and in between the Nilambur and Pothukal towns. There is no proper access road to the settlement area. The road is not tarred. Hence it is very tedious to bring construction materials to this site as well as for the community to travel to reach the main road, in emergency situations. The settlement is in a sloppy area. There is no proper source for drinking water, people are forced to travel 7-8 kilometres to bring fire wood for cooking purposes, and it is not affordable for many. More than 15 houses remained incompletely constructed and even a couple of families have shifted to that incomplete houses, which even lack the kitchen facility. Those who were spent the money for house construction for other purposes due to lack of information access, as discussed in the previous section, were unable to construct toilets for their houses. They still remain in the rehabilitation centre. This is 3 years after the landslide.

4.1 The issue of drinking water in Anakkallu 

There is a serious issue on drinking water availability at Anakkallu where new houses have been constructed. A few months ago a case was filed against the concerned authorities, regarding the issue. Legal support for the same was ensured to the community by two advocates.

Regarding this, Mr Velayudhan of case -1 said – “A case is on-going at Manjeri court regarding this issue and the hearing will be on August 23^rd, 2022. We can’t shift to our new houses without drinking water availability.”

Mrs. Thangam of case -2 remarked about the on-going case at the Manjeri court on the issue of drinking water availability at the resettlement area. She said “the advocates ensured us that they will help us in fighting to fulfil our essential need of drinking water. We have already complained at several offices, yet nothing changed and hence we decided to go with a case.”

Mrs. Santha of case-5 said that now drinking water is the major issue. “The bore well made by society for some construction purposes is the source of water for the families who started living in the resettlement area. In the last meeting with the authorities it has been ensured that they will construct another bore – well and tank for the rest of the families and provide essential water.” says she.

5. Life in Rehabilitation Centre

Living in a rehabilitation centre for a prolonged period of time is not an easy task. For an indigenous community like Kattu Paniya who used to live close to the forest area, it was a great challenge to live in an auditorium hall in the middle of the Pothukal town for more than 3 years. In the camp, the community was provided with food kits from ITDP as well as the PDS – Fair Price Shops (FPSs). But they lack money for their other expenses since there was a difficulty in getting daily wage works, especially during the pandemic. 14 families were living in a very congested area with only two bathrooms each in both the floors of the two -storey building. A poor plumbing system led to the water from the washing area spreading to all parts of the hall.

Mrs. Preetha of case – 3 remarked about life in the rehabilitation centre -“ravilenn vaikunnerathekk oru kaathirippum…vaikunneratheenn rathreelekk kathirippum. Athinu shesham ravile aakanath, vechundakkanath, kazhikkanath…ithokkeyanu..angott porathekkulloru chinda njangakkilla. Parakkanulla oravasaram nishedhikkappetta pakshikalde oravasthaya njangakk. Itheennokke onnu mari sontham veettukk poi vechindakki kazhikkanolloru sukham njangakk kittanee ennaanu chinda (a longing from morning to evening…evening to night…again next morning, cooking, eating, there is no other thought beyond this. We are living here like the birds who have denied their chance to fly. We have been longing to shift to our own home and start cooking and eating there. That‘s all we need).

1. Access to Drinking Water

The Kattu Paniya community faced health issues due to the drinking water they consumed from the camp. Regarding this issue Mr Velayudhan of case-1 said – “The drinking water we get is of very poor quality. Many members in our family suffered from frequent stomach problems and vomiting. We were happy and healthy during the times we had drinking water from our chola. It took some time to get adjusted with this new ‘taste’ of water”

2.  Access to fuel wood for cooking

The Kattu Paniya families in the rehabilitation centre suffered to get access to the fuel wood for cooking. As the researcher entered the rehabilitation centre at Pothukal, it was came to know that there is no defined space for cooking and storing fuel wood. The community need to travel more than 5 kilometres once in a while to bring fire wood.

3. Space in the camp

14 Kattu Paniya families live in a two storey building where no separate space available for cooking. People cooked food at different corners of the rehabilitation centre, including in the open space, in soil which was available at the ground portion of the centre. They live in a very congested area within which they cook, eat and sleep. 

1. Conflicts in the camp

Life under a ‘single’ roof led to small quarrels between the families. Living under a single roof without having enough interactions with the outside world, especially during the pandemic period made it stressful. This leads to small quarrels. 

Mr. Velayudhan of case-1 said that quarrels often start over limited space and sharing of amenities. Initially there was a single kitchen area where food for all the families was cooked. Later each family started cooking separately.

Mrs. Sudha of case-4 said – “nammal mathram aayappo korach pottalum cheettalum okka indayi. Pakshe nammakk angittum parayan patula, ingattum parayan patula. Okke cheriya cheriya bandhangal aanu.” (There happened some conflicts when we people [Kattu Paniya community] alone started living in the camp. But we can’t say anything because all of them are our relatives)

2. Privacy  Issues & Safety of Girl Children

Living under one roof in a congested place led to issues regarding privacy. Also the safety of girl children was also a major concern in the rehabilitation centre. Though the respondent didn’t clearly mention the issue, the researcher could sense that something had happened in the camp which violated the limits and it had forced that family to move from the camp, in order to avoid further conflicts. Regarding this issue,Mrs.Preetha of case – 3 said – “Camp is not like our home. There is no privacy here.” Mrs. Sudha of case-4 said – “Pemmakkalolla ammamaravumbo oru vingal aanu. Namakk aammakkalayirunne avar evdelokka ninnolum nn vekkam. Athondokkeya ingattekk mariye.”   (It is a greater tension for a mother of girl children. If children were boys, let us think that they may stay anywhere. So I shifted from there [rehabilitation centre])

Mrs. Sudha shifted to Anakkallu resettlement, even before the complete construction of the house.

6. Loss and longing for their land

The landslide and resulting displacement from Kavalappara led to the loss of the environment of the Kattu Paniya community. Even the children in the rehabilitation centre feel about their loss of the place where they were born and brought up. As the researcher spent time in the rehabilitation centre, it could be noticed that an eight year old boy repeatedly asked his mother – ‘Amma, when will we be going home?’ 

Mrs. Thangam of case -2 is concerned about the future life of her family in the new settlement. She says – “ Kavalappareenn eedeykk vannu. Eedee ipo korach kaalayi. Ineppo eedann puthiya edatheekk poovum. Aade enganeyaavumnn oorthittaa… muthapppankunnummelu…aade ..aaade njammalu jeevicha jeevithonnum bere eada poyalum aakula (we came here [rehabilitation centre] from Kavalappara. It’s been a while here. Now… we will be shifting to the new place [resettlement area] from here. I don’t know how life will be there, wherever we move to, it can’t be like the life we lived at Muthappankunnu.)

Mrs. Thangam of case -3 said -“ aadathe jeevithonnum angana marakkan patula. Athokka oru jeevitham thanneyarnn” (it is not possible to erase the memories of the life we lived there. It was an actual life!)

Mrs. Sudha of case-4 said – “nammal janich valarnna mannum, aa snehabandhangalum onnum namakk marakkan kayiyoolla”(we can’t forget the loss of the place where we were born and brought up and those relationships).

Mrs. Kali of case-5 said -“nammala kalyanam kayichenu Kavalappaarakk. Achanum ammem ellam Chungathara aarnnu. Pinne kalyanam kayich aadekk poi. Pinna athoru jeevitham aarnnu. Ann kattilokke pokuvarnnu. Athinte kadhayonnum paranja theeroolla. Athokka oru kaalaarnnu. Pinna okka poi. Mala idinju. Eedeykk vannu.” (I was married and came to Kavalappara. Parents were in Chungathara. Then I got married. We used to go to the forest at that time. Those stories are never ending. That was a great time. Then everything was gone. Landslide… I came here)

7. Loss of cultural environment and difficulty in practicing rituals in the new settlement.

The temple where the community practises their rituals is situated at the Kavalappara, near the landslide area and is unaffected. Paniya still visit their old environment once a while, which is slowly converting into a forest and is frequently visited by elephants. The shift to the rehabilitation centre affected their community practices, since the distance to the temple increased.  

The community is afraid of facing another landslide especially during the rainy season. This fear made them to avoid visiting their temple during the malayalam month of Karkidakam on which they have to perform rituals for their demised ancestors. As per the belief of the community, one should never cross the river with the dead body of a Kattu paniya tribal. Due to the loss of their place, which is on the other side of the river and here in this new settlement they have no place to perform the rightful cremation, they are forced to cross the river to cremate the dead body of their relatives, on the other side of the river, which is close to the forest. Thus they are forced to break their cultural beliefs due to the disaster and displacement from their environment. 

8. Disruption in Social Ties

The Kavalappara disaster seems to have affected the community bonding. The shift to the rehabilitation centre played a major role in this.

Mr. Velayudhan of case -1 remarked with sorrow that after the landslide in which 52 lives were lost in a night, none of the relatives living in other settlements came to visit them. –

“52 lives…52 lives lost in that night…in the landslide…nobody from blood relations, from nearby settlements visited us even after informing them of the deaths. What relations…! What relatives!” 

Mrs. Radha said -“ipo eedannarum angadeykkum ponilla…adann sonthakkaronnum ingadeykkum varanilla.” (now nobody is visiting there and no relatives are coming here).

9. Change in Food Habit

The Kavalappara landslide followed by the shift of the Kattu Paniya community from their original place has affected their consumption of some wild varieties.

Mrs. Thangam of case -2 said – “….We often used to visit houses of our people, used to spend evenings…talking to each other…sharing the Kavira we often brought from the forest…”

Kavira is a wild variety of tuber crop. After the landslide and flooding the availability of the tuber decreased gradually. And the shift to the rehabilitation centre affected the community’s access to such wild varieties and the harmony of sharing the same.

Literature also says the same. As Chithra Nilambur says – ‘The tribals consider the forest and their cultural values imbibed in it as sacred and when they move out of the forest they cannot preserve it’.

5.4 DISCUSSION OF THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Emerging frameworks on post – disaster vulnerability and post – disaster recovery reveals that post – disaster vulnerability is a major hindrance to successful post – disaster recovery. Here in the Kattu Paniya tribal community affected by the Kavalappara disaster suffer post – disaster vulnerabilities including livelihood as well as housing vulnerability. Suffering housing vulnerability even three years after the disaster is an indicator of the ineffectiveness of the recovery process.  Majority among the Kattu Paniya are unable to borrow money to complete the construction of their houses, in a situation in which they spent the money meant for house construction because of the
inaccessibility to proper information regarding the relief funds. Hence all these things are connected. The economic vulnerability, marginalization and inability to access the information in the post – disaster phase eventually lead to a poor recovery.

 From the research it becomes clear that post disaster vulnerabilities seriously affects the chance of success of post disaster recovery. And also when the recovery remains incomplete the affected community remains more vulnerable than before. This is also clear from the situation of the Kattu Paniya community since the recovery process couldn’t properly address the livelihood as well as cultural aspects of the community and hence the community remain more vulnerable in the rehabilitation camp as well as the resettlement area.

CHAPTER VI: FINDINGS, SUGGESTIONS & CONCLUSIONS

6.1. FINDINGS

Specific Research Question 1 

How did the Kavalappara Landslide aggravate the livelihood vulnerability of the Kattupaniya community? 

Majority among the Kattu Paniya community depend on daily wages. Kattu Paniyas of Kavalappara hardly go to forest for MFP collection. In the post – disaster scenario, the disaster induced displacement and life in rehabilitation centre for a long period left the community in reduction in days of work and induced financial – stress.  The life in the rehabilitation centre associated with the pandemic in 2020 left them struggling to meet the two ends. Loss of social connections resulting from the shift from Kavalappara to rehabilitation centre aggravated the livelihood vulnerability of the Kattu Paniya community. Social connections actually helped the people of the community in getting daily wage works including agriculture. Also it was their strength during the time of crisis created by the decrease in the number of days of work. After the shift from Kavalappara, people among the Kattu Paniya started looking for alternate livelihoods. Some of them started going to rubber tapping. Earlier they were not familiar with this livelihood.

Specific Research Question 2

How did the Kavalappara Landslide aggravate the housing vulnerability of the Kattupaniya community?

Kattu Paniya community affected by the Kavalappara landslide is such a marginalised section and faces challenges in housing recovery.

The lack of access to information about the relief fund, led the families into incomplete housing. The families weren’t informed about the fund for housing provided along with other monetary aids like the MP fund. Without knowing the fact, many families spent the money for other needs, which was actually provided for house construction.  The Kattu Paniya families were forced to shift from their houses in Kavalappara, even though they were not damaged in the landslide. It was as per the instructions of the concerned authorities and considering the geographical vulnerability of the land; the families were shifted first to the rehabilitation centre in the Pothukal town. Many families are unable to complete their house construction in Anakkallu resettlement area, since they have unknowingly spent the money which was meant for house construction and also they aren’t able to take out loans to complete the construction. Since the Kavalappara is geographically vulnerable to landslides, the families can’t go back there.

Also, there is a serious issue on drinking water availability at Anakkallu where new houses have been constructed. A few months ago a case was filed against the concerned authorities, regarding the issue. Legal support for the same was ensured to the community by two advocates.

Specific Research Question 3

What was the Kattu Paniya tribe’s experience in the rehabilitation centre in the past 3 years?

For an indigenous community like Kattu Paniya who used to live close to the forest area, it was a great challenge to live in an auditorium hall in the middle of the Pothukal town for more than 3 years. ‘A longing from morning to evening…evening to night…again next morning, cooking, eating, there is no other thought beyond this. We are living here like the birds that have been denied their chance to fly’ – this is the reply of a Kattu Paniya woman who has lived in the camp for the past 3 years.  

In the rehabilitation centre initially, the community faced health issues due to the drinking water which was available at the centre from a bore well. Later people adjusted with the taste of the water. 

Life under a ‘single’ roof led to small quarrels between the families. Living under a single roof without having enough interactions with the outside world, especially during the pandemic period made it stressful. This leads to small quarrels. 

Living under one roof in a congested place led to issues regarding  privacy. Also the safety of girl children was also a major concern in the rehabilitation centre. Though the respondent didn’t clearly mention the issue, the researcher could sense that something had happened in the camp which violated the limits and it had forced that family to move from the camp, in order to avoid further conflicts. 

From the case studies, it became clear that the most vulnerable people among the Paniya community remained in the rehabilitation camp, all these three years. Those who were somewhat able to shift from the camp and find an alternative like a rented house, have already left the camp leaving behind the most vulnerable 14 families in the camp. 

Specific Research Question 4

How has the dislocation affected their community practice and rituals? 

The landslide and resulting displacement from Kavalappara led to the loss of the cultural environment of the Kattu Paniya community. Even the children in the rehabilitation centre feel about their loss of the place where they were born and brought up. 

The temple where the community practises their rituals is situated at the kavalappara, near the landslide area and is unaffected. Paniya still visit their old environment once a while, which is slowly converting into a forest and is frequently visited by elephants. The shift to the rehabilitation centre affected their community practices, since the distance to the temple increased.  

The community is afraid of facing another landslide especially during the rainy season. This fear made them to avoid visiting their temple during the Malayalam month of Karkidakam on which they have to perform rituals for their demised ancestors. As per the belief of the community, one should never cross the river with the dead body of a Kattu Paniya tribal. Due to the loss of their place, which is on the other side of the river and here in this new settlement they have no place to perform the rightful cremation, they are forced to cross the river to cremate the dead body of their relatives, on the other side of the river, which is close to the forest. Thus they are forced to break their cultural beliefs due to the disaster and displacement from their environment. 

Also the disaster- induced displacement led to a disruption in social ties as well as reduced the access to their favourite wild tubers, which they used to collect and share within the community. Thus a serious disruption occurred in the community life of Kattu Paniya.

6.2. SUGGESTIONS

From the study conducted, the researcher has the following suggestions:

From the study conducted, the researcher has the following suggestions:

Delays in housing restoration should be addressed with urgency. The recovery of the Kattupaniya families has been severely hampered by the fact that they have spent more than three years living in an auditorium turned rehabilitation centre. Such huge delays in building new houses should be avoided. 

Authorities and decision makers need to be aware of the problems that displaced families undergo when they reside in temporary shelters for long periods of time. 

• Proper community – participation should be ensured in the rehabilitation and resettlement activities in a post – disaster scenario. It emerged that the tribal communities were not consulted while selecting the site for rehabilitation.
• District administration needs to take proactive measures to restore livelihoods. This is especially the case when the community displaced is indigenous and is considered as particularly vulnerable. Their access to daily wage work depends on their social networks which get disrupted with displacement. Hence measures need to be taken to restore their livelihoods.  
• The rehabilitation and resettlement activities should be carried out with respect to the peculiarities of the affected community. Especially when it comes in the case of indigenous communities like Kattu Paniya, rehabilitation without giving priority to their community beliefs and way of life eventually affects their community life. This is clear from this study conducted among them.
• Information communication is one of the major aspects in the post – disaster phase, especially during the recovery and rehabilitation process. Significance of ‘providing accurate information regarding the relief funds to the marginalised sections of society who lack the access to information on their own’ is something that must be discussed. Here in the case of Kattu Paniyas of Kavalappara, they weren’t informed about the fund for housing provided along with other monetary aids like the MP fund. Without knowing the fact, many families spent the money for other needs, which was actually provided for house construction. Therefore, proper information communication to marginalised sections like tribal communities is the need of the hour, so that post disaster phases including resettlement can be successfully completed.

 6.3. CONCLUSION

The present study aimed at understanding the post – disaster vulnerabilities; particularly focused on livelihood and housing and disaster – induced changes in the life and livelihood of Kattu Paniya tribal community affected by the Kavalappara landslide of 2019. The findings of the study revealed that, even after 3 years of the landslide event, the Kattu Paniya families still remain in the rehabilitation centre, which is in the middle of a town. They are forced to live a life in an environment which is entirely different from their actual one. Also the community face livelihood vulnerability mainly due to alienation from their social connections. They also face housing vulnerability due to lack of proper information communication in the post – disaster phase regarding the relief fund allocations. The study also reveals that the rehabilitation process is conducted without properly understanding the cultural peculiarities of the community and without clearly understanding the actual needs of the community. In brief, there could be observed a lack of proper community participation in the entire process of resettlement. Rehabilitation process can be successful if and only if it properly addresses the community needs. Otherwise the post – disaster vulnerabilities will haunt the affected communities for a long period of time.

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ANNEXURES

Title: Post – Disaster Vulnerabilities and Disaster – Induced changes in the life and livelihood of Kattu Paniya Tribal Community.

Semi-structured Interview Guide

General Research Question 

What are the post – disaster vulnerabilities the Kattupaniya Tribals have faced after the Kavalappara Landslide? 

FAMILY- CASE STUDY 

BASIC DETAILS 

1. Name of respondent: 

2. Age: 

3. Gender: 

4. No: of family members 

5. No: of children 

6. Distance of new house from the site of MFP collection

SRQ.1 How did the Kavalappara Landslide aggravate the livelihood vulnerability of the Kattupaniya community?

7. Livelihood – before the Kavalappara disaster?

7.1 Was it affected after the disaster?

•  If so, how?
• Did you follow multiple livelihood methods like MGNREGA, Forest works assigned from Forest office, daily wage etc?
• (If Forest work was there) did the availability of works in forest declined after the displacement?

 7.2 Were you forced to start an alternative livelihood? 

• Did you face any struggle in this regard? 
•  What is it? 
•  Did it affect your expenditure on children’s education, on purchase of certain food items, on medicines, any other? 

7.3 Are you a daily wage worker? 

•  If yes, have you suffered a reduction in work days? 
•  Why?
•  If so, how did you cope with it? 

7.4 Was it easy for the family to accept the livelihood shift? 

• What were the major challenges faced?

 8. Do you still go to the forest? 

8.1 How has the distance affected your MFP collection? 

•  Other than MFP, what other commodities do you collect from the forest? 
• Any food items? Fruits? Leafy varieties?

 8.2 The elephant issues in Kavalappara and the obstruction in access to forest through that border?

SRQ.2. How did the Kavalappara Landslide aggravate the housing vulnerability of the Kattupaniya community?

9. How has the housing situation been affected? 

9.1 Was it affected partially or lost completely?

9.2 What about the newly constructed house Anakkallu? What is the present situation of your house in Anakkallu?

9.3 Did you face any challenges in completing the new house?

SRQ.3.What was the Kattu Paniya tribe’s experience in the rehabilitation centre in the past 3 years? 

10. What were the major challenges in the relief camp? 

11. How many days did it take before you shifted to the relief centre? 

12. How did you cope during those days?  

• How did it affect the elderly and children and pregnant women? 

13. Transportation issues after displacement? 

• Does it reduce your visits to hospitals when needed? 
•  Does it affect purchase of essentials?

 14. Did the displacement affect your children’s education (access to school)? 

• How? (Did it affect the purchase of books, bags, other necessity commodities etc?

SRQ.4 How has the dislocation affected their community practice and rituals? 

15. As we know that the landslide of 2019 occurred in our place; Kavalappara was an unexpected one. How was life before the Kavalappara incident and after the displacement?

15.1 How did you cope with the loss of your old living surroundings? 

•  Did living in close proximity created problems? 

15.2 How dislocation affected the social networks like neighbourhood, other close connections in need? 

• Has it affected your interactions with others from your community who may be far away?

16. Did the displacement affect your community’s cultural practice?(rituals related to birth, death, marriage etc

17. Difference between old settlement and new colony? 

17.1 Sharing practices, connection with people in other settlements? 

18. Did the dislocation affect your Community bonding? 

18.1 If Yes, How? 

19. Drinking water availability? 

20. Discuss the support offered by Keystone. 

21. Discuss the support from Panchayat 

22. Do you have forest rights? Where are they located?